Vol. XXXVI                                                        2008

(P.L.J.)

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Magazine Section

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PAKISTAN CONSTITUTION AND
PROHIBITION OF TORTURE

By:
AMJAD HUSSAIN PANWAR
Lecturer,
Department of Law,
The Islamia University of Bahawalpur,
Pakistan
.

ABSTRACT

The present paper gives an analysis of the Article 14(2) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, with reference to prohibition of torture, pointing out its undernourished nature, leading to certain misconceptions due to partial prohibition of torture. It also speaks about the torture practices in Pakistan. Today, torture whether physical or mental is the most dangerous wrong against humanity. The dream of an ideal global village is practicable only in a torture free atmosphere where people may live together and be able to act for common objectives, irrespective of their different colours, races, languages, cultures or caste and creed but a State cannot become part of this village unless and until it provides its own citizens a peaceful environment. This paper seeks considering the present international standards (provided hereby for a comparison), which desire to maximize the honour of the humans by saving them from all kinds of torturous acts. It also suggests to amend the said constitutional provision to prohibit and control all acts of torture.

Prohibition of Torture under the Pakistan Constitution

The constitution of a country is the supreme law of the land. It is a model document of the country, which shows the approach, and thoughts of a nation. As a practice, this document is drafted in a way to incorporate some rights as fundamental and a mechanism is also provided to protect these rights, which are called fundamental human rights. ‘Human Right’ means and includes everything that a human needs to survive with dignity. Fundamental human rights are provided unconditionally to all the citizens because they deserve it being members of the human society. However, these rights are provided subject to certain limitations. The essence of a fundamental right is that it imposes restraints on the arbitrary exercise of power by the State authorities[1] and it cannot be interfered or taken away except by a constitutional amendment.[2] It would not only be “technically inartistic but a fraud on the citizens for the makers of a Constitution to say that a right is fundamental but that it may be taken away by the law.” [3]

‘Freedom from torture’ is one of these fundamental rights. The word ‘torture’ means an intentional act of causing pain, anguish, hurt, or suffering, whether mental, physical, or psychological, even for the purpose of criminal investigation, or preventive measure and it includes the use of methods intended to obliterate the personality of the victim or to diminish his physical or mental capacities, even if no physical pain or mental anguish is caused.[4] Torture, in any form, is unacceptable to the society. However, we can find examples of torture in all the societies. Despite the commitments to protect human rights, torture is allowed by the governments in more than one hundred countries.[5] However, a State does not allow torture expressly or impliedly. The Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, has provided a list of fundamental rights[6] with a machinery[7] to enforce these rights but as for as the ‘prohibition of torture’ is concerned, it says:

No person shall be subjected to torture for the purpose of extracting evidence.”[8]

The above provision seems to have an injudicious approach with reference to the meaning of fundamental rights. It clearly means that there is only one single prohibition of torture and that is to dig out the evidence, i.e., one cannot be tortured to extract evidence only. What about the rest, the Constitution is silent and this silence may be taken, impliedly, to think that torture is not prohibited in all other cases.

There may be another interpretation of the said provision that torture is prohibited generally but it is prohibited specially in cases where the Authorities use torture as a tool to extract evidence but it would be secondary approach. The first understanding of the provision implies that the torture is not prohibited in all the other cases. In USA, all the fundamental rights are not mentioned in the constitution. Some rights are so important and fundamental that they are protected and enforced even without finding their place in the constitutional provisions, i.e., prohibition of torture, prohibition of child labour, freedom of trade and profession, etc. In this way, having no provision would be better than having a bad provision.

With reference to Article 14(2), it would be allowed by presumption to mean that torture is partly (and not fully) prohibited by the constitution. In Pakistan, people are arrested and kept in lock ups as well as in private places without lodging FIR. They are also held under house arrest without any charges. They do not have access to their lawyers and families. In most cases, this is done to extract money from them. Torture in police custody and jails (sometimes leading to death) is very common. Sexual abuse of juvenile detainees by the jail staff, extra-judicial killings of criminal suspects, violence against women including rape, honour killings, domestic violence against children, etc. are the most terrible examples of torture.[9] Many citizens are killed during the celebration of ‘Basant’. Assault and torture, by the Military, over the people compelling them to hand over land for a military farm shows the nastiest condition of Human Rights in Pakistan.[10]

The year 2007 witnessed a large number of torturous acts against the lawyers, judges, journalists and political leaders. Army is kept to defend the national boundaries but it has usurped the sovereignty of Pakistan many times to attain its own goals resultantly causing the state of unrest in the civil society. A state of military rule, declaration of emergency by suspending the Constitution, declaration of an illegitimate PCO, unlawful dissolution and re-formation of the Supreme Court, compelling the judges of the Supreme Court to take oath under the PCO, threatening the judges refusing to take oath and commission of certain unlawful acts and mental torture against them, committing acts of assault and torture against the lawyers, induction of more than five hundred Army Officials in high Civil Services, very insulting and rude behaviour of the Army men with civilians while entering in cantonment areas, Army’s desire to become rich and its interest in economic matters, are not only Extra-Constitutional acts and alien to a democratic setup on one side but also a cause of frustration and torture among the society on the other side. It seems that torture is part and parcel of our society. It is worth mentioning that Pakistan has not yet signed the ‘Convention against Torture or Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984’. It is, perhaps, because the Police and other Authorities are incapable to conduct investigations without torture and the Convention against Torture seems to be an impediment in such investigations.[11]

Torture is considered as mother of all human rights violations. It not only affects the victim but also the society at large. That is why, a large number of Conventions and Declarations passed for the prevention of torture. The UDHR states that no one would be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.[12] The Geneva Conventions also ban cruel treatment and torture.[13] The ICCPR prohibits torture using the same words. It also prohibits medical or scientific experimentation without one’s free consent.[14] The European Convention[15] and American Convention[16] both state that there is no room for torture or like activities.

The Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights says: “No person shall be subjected to torture in mind or body, or degraded, or threatened with injury either to himself or to anyone related to or held dear by him, or forcibly made to confess to the commission of a crime, or forced to consent to an act which is injurious to his interests.”[17] African Charter prohibits all forms of exploitations including torture.[18] The CAT prohibits torture under any circumstances.[19] The Cairo Declaration forbids psychological torture or any form of humiliation, cruelty or indignity.[20] Thus, torture is completely prohibited by the international community.

The case law on the subject has also established the principles discouraging the use of torture. In D.K. Basu v. State of W. B.[21] the violation of human rights with reference to "torture" was highlighted. It was observed by the Supreme Court of India:

" 'Torture' of a human being by another human being is essentially an instrument to impose the will of the 'strong' over the 'weak'.... 'Torture is a wound in the soul so painful that sometimes you can almost touch it, but it is also so intangible that there is no way to heal it. ... 'Torture' is despair and fear and rage and hate. It is a desire to kill and destroy including yourself.' "

In A. v. The United Kingdom, [22] the UK was held responsible for the private torturous acts of an individual. In this case, a step-father due to beating his nine years old step-son had been charged of occasioning actual bodily harm. Before the English Court, the step-father had successfully relied on the defense of reasonable chastisement and was acquitted. However, the European Court of Human Rights rejected this defense and held that a breach of Article 3 of the European Convention had been committed. The UK government was held responsible because children and other vulnerable people were entitled to protection from torture.

In Aksoy v. Turkey,[23] it was held that the ill-treatment, suffered by the applicant, was of such a serious and cruel nature that it could only be described as torture. It was also held that where an individual was taken into police custody in good health but found to be injured on release, it was incumbent on State to provide plausible explanation.

In Velásquez-Rodríguez v. Honduras,[24] the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found that Angel Manfredo Velásquez was kidnapped and presumably tortured, executed and clandestinely buried by agents of the Armed Forces of Honduras and the period in which those acts occurred, the legal remedies available in Honduras were not appropriate or effective to guarantee his rights to life, liberty and personal integrity. The Court held that the State of Honduras has violated its obligations to respect and to ensure the right to personal liberty (Article 7), humane treatment (Article 5) and right to life (Article 4) of the American Convention. The State of Honduras was held liable to pay fair compensation to the next-of-kin of the victim.

In Upendra Baxi (Dr) v. State of U.P.,[25] the Indian Supreme Court, found the inhuman conditions prevailing in protective homes, long pendency of trials, trafficking in women, importation of children for homosexual purpose, non-payment of wages to bonded labourers and inhuman condition of prisoners in jails. The Supreme Court passed orders giving certain guidelines. 

In Sheela Barse v. State of Maharashtra[26] the Supreme Court of India noticed the violence against women prisoners while confined in the police lock-ups. The Court directed the Director of College of Social Work, Nirmala Niketan, Bombay to visit Bombay Central Jail and interview women prisoners and ascertain whether they had been subjected to any torture or ill-treatment and to submit a report. Based on the findings of the report, the Supreme Court issued a number of directions which included the direction to lock up female prisoners only in female lock-ups guarded by female constables and to interrogate female accused only in the presence of the female police officials.

In Hilal v. The United Kingdom,[27] the European Court of Human Rights found a violation of Article 3 of the European Convention. Said Mohammed Hilal, a Tanzanian national, requested asylum in the United Kingdom, which was refused. However, the Court rejected the United Kingdom Government’s argument that, even assuming that the applicant was at risk in Zanzibar, he could live in mainland Tanzania where the human rights situation was more secure. The Court noted endemic human rights problems on the mainland, police ill-treating and beating detainees, inhuman and degrading prison conditions with inadequate food and medical treatment leading to life-threatening conditions. The Court found that the applicant’s deportation to Tanzania would breach Article 3, as he would face a serious risk of being subjected to torture or inhuman and degrading treatment.

In Darshan Masih v. State,[28] the Supreme Court of Pakistan took notice of a group of brick kiln bonded labourers and their families suffering from physical and mental torture. The labourers and their families were in hiding and were concerned about their security. Consequently, the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act of 1990, enforced the law against bonded labour. Bonded debt was abolished through this legislation and monitoring mechanisms were provided for prevention of the incidences of bonded labour.

In S v. Masitere,[29] the applicant had been convicted by a magistrate for housebreaking with intent to steal and theft. He was senteced to three years imprisonment with labour. The magistrate ordered that the first and last fortnights of the terms of imprisonment be spent in solitary confinement and on spare diet. Held that the punishments of solitary confinement and spare diet amounts to torture, and to inhuman and degrading punishment. Such punishment was thus prohibited by Section 15 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, and thus unconstitutional.

In Muhammad Pervez and others v. State,[30] it was found that accused, after their arrest, were subjected to torture and thereafter confessional statement was recorded before Magistrate. Trial Court and Federal Shariat Court mainly relied upon the confessional statement of accused and convicted and sentenced them to life imprisonment. Accused remained in police custody before and after recording confession for 24 hours and Magistrate had taken only one hour to record confession of the accused, such type of confession would not fall in the category of voluntary confession. The Supreme Court converted petition for leave to appeal into appeal and set aside the conviction and sentence awarded to accused by the courts below.

In Biyan v. Turkey,[31] Constantin v. Romania,[32] and Afanasyev v. Ukraine,[33] the European Court of Human Rights held that there was a violation of Article 3 of the European Convention because the applicants suffered ill-treatment during police custody. In Khashiyev and Akayeva v. Russia,[34] the Court found lack of effective investigation into allegations of torture. In Nevmerzhitsky v. Ukraine,[35] the Court found bad conditions of detention, force-feeding of detainee on hunger-strike, inadequacy of medical treatment and failure to bring detainee promptly before a judge. In Karalevičius v. Lithuania,[36] the Court found dire conditions of detention amounting to torture, in particular over-crowding. In Öçalan v. Turkey,[37] the Court found failure to bring detainee promptly before a judge, denial of access to lawyer during initial period of custody, supervision of subsequent consultations with lawyers and restrictions on visits by lawyers, and restrictions on applicant’s and lawyers’ access to the file and imposition of the death penalty following an unfair trial. As most of the cases are related to ill-treatment during the police custody, it may be said that a large amount of torture is practiced by the Police.

Conclusion:

Pakistan came into being only to arrive at a homeland to practice the Islamic principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice. There is no scope for torture in an Islamic society. The supreme law for the Muslims is the Holy Quran and Holy Sunnah which aim at a torture-free culture. Article 14(2) of the Pakistan constitution does not match with the Islamic principles as well as with the present international standards as it does not prohibit torture as a whole. Thus, it is the duty of the government to refrain from practicing torture on one side and to discourage, stop and punish the persons committing torture on the other side.

A fair analysis of Article 14(2) may invite to think ---

1.                  That all acts of torture are not prohibited by the constitution.

2.                  That the said provision may be taken as a justification in certain cases, i.e., in emergency, etc.

3.                  That the above provision is against the dignity of the citizens as it does not prohibit the torture fully.

4.                  That Article 14(2) is in contradiction with the other Articles relating to Fundamental Rights because when there is no complete prohibition of torture, other fundamental rights are meaningless.

5.                  That if the constitution is not clear on this issue, it would cause frustration and a state of insecurity in the minds of the citizens.

6.                  That while making our Constitution, we followed the Indian pattern but we find no such provision in the Constitution of India. Similarly, UK and USA Constitutions provide nothing in this respect. It is covered by other provisions. However, use of torture is expressly prohibited by their Conventions. Why, then, we made such a provision part of our Constitution?

In the above circumstances, we must consider the following:

1.                  There is an urgent need to amend the said constitutional provision at least by eliminating the words, “for the purpose of extracting evidence”. Because such a provision not only damages beauty of the constitution but it is also unjustified, unethical and illegal.

2.                  It is suggested that Pakistan should sign and ratify the ‘Convention against Torture or Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984’. This step would increase honour of Pakistani nation in international community on one side, while it would motivate and enable the government to take measures to decrease the torture and terrorism from Pakistani society.

3.                  There is an instantaneous need to legislate for torture. The use of torture by police or other officers must be declared as a crime and such acts would also be liable to compensation. In this respect, we must seek guidance from the ‘Inter-American Convention to prevent and punish Torture’, which declares that a public servant would be guilty of the crime of torture if he orders, instigates or induces the use of torture, or directly commits it or being able to prevent it, fails to do so.[38] It further provides that “the fact of having acted under orders of a superior shall not provide exemption from the corresponding criminal liability”.[39]

4.                  “The existence of circumstances such as a state of war, threat of war, state of siege or of emergency, domestic disturbance or strife, suspension of constitutional guarantees, domestic political instability, or other public emergencies or disasters” would not be accepted as excuse for practising torture.[40]

5.                  The police officers and other public officials would be made responsible for the custody of accused or other persons deprived of freedom, and there should be complete prohibition of use of torture during interrogation, detention or arrest.[41] The similar responsibility should be imposed on the jail authorities.

6.                  The persons liable for the use of torture must be awarded severe punishments.

7.                  We should make certain verses of the Holy Quran and Holy Sunnah regarding prohibition of torture, part of the syllabus from early education so that we may educate the young minds against the practices of torture to produce an anti-torture nation.

8.                  Last but not the least, we should conduct seminars and workshops against the use of torture, violence and aggression and condemn such activities everywhere.

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IMPLEMENTATION OF ISLAMIC OBLIGATIONS UNDER THE CONSTITUTION

By
DR. A.Q. SIAL[42]

Abstract

Independence movement of Pakistan had a special mission to accomplish. People of Pakistan wanted a state in which they would organize themselves under a modern Islamic welfare political system. Soon after independence while drawing outline of the constitution the Constituent Assembly produced the ‘Objectives Resolution. Thereafter the process of constitution making and implementation of its obligations remained simply an ambitious mission. Steps were undertaken by each organ of the state to execute the animated task. But each one remained without success. The Article explores the reasons of failure and resolution of the subject title.

Introduction

History of geographical alterations may record creation of Pakistan as a normal episode but its emergence does offer distinctive features in the context of political realities prevailing at that time. Muslims all-over were suffering political decline and none of the state with Muslim population had constitutional framework that fitted into modern constitution of Islamic characteristics. Muslims of India had in their minds memories of their dominance in the Sub-continent and had yet to become constant by putting the whole out of their consciousness. In order to establish a state for Muslims they had to resort to independence movement along with other communities of India. Movement leaders also had to offer support to other Muslims struggling in Asia, Africa and in Palestine.

The 14th of August 1947 was day of deliverance for the Muslims of India. They had attained a sovereign state to administer they had desired for. Independence day offered distinct perception to Hindu and Muslim communities. Muslims had more reason to rejoice the day of freedom. People of Pakistan had carved a new political entity on the world map out of Hindu dominated sub-continent. Their freedom movement partners left in India also had reasons to suppose political support of Pakistan while opting to live there. Imperative task for people of Pakistan was to develop a political system in accordance with the word of honor with which they had commenced their freedom movement. The process of modeling the state on the pattern of ideology had to begin with framing the fresh constitution overthrowing the long operating colonial system.

Constitution making is not a simple process. Constitution of a state is multidimensional document with immense amount of meanings to implement. One of its functions in the society is to standardize the norms and ensure their maintenance. This object is essential for stability and continuity of the norms. The law or constitution making institution while in the process has to firstly ascertain capacity of the society for continuity of the existing and adaptability of the prospective norms. If not, violation or non-assumption of fresh norms is certainty that no society can afford. The possible way left with the society is to take into account the norms for which the whole society eagerly desires to assume by feeling its assumption feasible, desirable and promoting their individual and collective well being. A large section of our population feels it comfortable to adopt system of alien norms. Valued norms of alien system may not be instantly adoptable although working well in another community or society. Assumption of new norm should not be simply based on desire. It involves several characters and qualities like standard education, vide range of good demeanour, or eagerness and respect for obligations. Unless a system of norms develops within the society, smooth assumption may not be expectable. People of Pakistan desired experience of the system for which they had respect and a sense of obligation. Muslim community whenever thinks and speaks of Islamic system of government, they mean the wholesome system of social administration the foundation of which was laid down by the Holy Prophet and his Caliphs. Muslim state under the administration of Prophet (PBUH) and Khilafat was fully devoted to the service of humanity and society. Khalifa was careful in observance of the principle of justice and fair play. He could be questioned by anyone of his subjects on any matter of public importance.[i]Subsequent eras of Muslim rulers are not as much inspiring as should have been saves few exceptions. These were some of the reasons that inspired Muslim leaders for proclaiming the two-nation theory in the process of independence movement. The ideology of Pakistan was not simply an exploitation to unite Indian Muslims for independence but to have a solid ground for obtaining territory in the occupation of Muslim population for introduction of Islamic rule. He described his solid commitment in his letter to Gandhi in august 1944. He said, “The Qur’an is a complete code of life and provides for all matters, religious or social, civil or criminal, military or penal, economic or commercial. It regulates every act, speech and movement from the ceremonies of religion to those of daily life, from the salvation of the soul to health of body; from the rights of all to those of such individual, from the punishment here to that in the life to come.[ii]In pursuance of this and several other pronouncements, the founding fathers sought to incorporate the Islamic aspirations underlying Pakistan movement in ‘Objectives Resolution’.

Muslims ideology provided the base and strength to Pakistan movement. It also assisted to combine the strength of scattered Muslims of the continent to have one voice for achievement of their homeland. The aim included the enforcement of desired system of government in the new state. Ideology of Pakistan was based on theory of Muslim nationhood. In their meanings Islamic ideology in relation to constitution making means enforcement of the injunctions of Holy Qur’an and Sunnah in progressive and practicable sense. That was the principal factor in the concept of Muslim nationhood, which resulted in the partition of India and is known as the two-nation theory.[iii]

Framing the Constitution

Prior to opening the debate on the subject topic certain fact relating to constitution making need comprehension. It may enable to understand disappointment in obtaining success. Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, which had its opening session on 10th of August 1947, had the mandate under the Indian Independence Act 1947 to frame the constitution. New administrative set-up had been created under the guidance of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah to run the affairs of state. In reference to constitution making the most relevant aspect is that it was open for the new state to frame a constitution according to the ideas and choice of nation. People of Pakistan were entitled to take any decision as to nature, form and comprehension of the new constitution. The natures of the obligations provided under the Indian Acts were persuasive. As an independent nation, maintenance of then existing system under the Act of 1935 was just to facilitate switchover from interim system to the system of its own as soon as that was ready for adoption. Paula Newberg has evaluated the circumstances in these words;

“The 1935 and 1947 Acts were preparatory and constitutive laws to provide interim government until a new constitution was framed. They were not constitution substitutes: they were not designed to help the Country confronts its massive state-building challenges, and one can argue that their structures could not provide an adequate basis for satisfying Pakistan's needs.” [iv]

Muslims of sub-continent had attained their homeland to live but blessings of sovereignty yet to be attained. The moment, days even years of transition in which transfer of power, territory and sovereignty takes place is a difficult mission to transact with. It includes revolutionizing conceptual conditions of the nation for responsibilities providing the basis of self-rule. A corpulent tree had to be replaced with a small delicate plant of hopes and pleasure. Known and unknown consequences followed the partition. Constitution making might have been main concern for the nation to accomplish. However the task of constitution making was over-looked due to many reasons some of those were glaring.

Constituent Assembly was expected to accomplish the task of constitution making as national priority. At the time of independence, the nation seemed prepared to get rid off the Imperial system.  The unity and the integrity of the nation at that time may have facilitated decision-making on complicated issues like language, religion and problems relating to geographical separation.  Since nation was so deeply united on the basis of Islamic ideology coupled with abiding faith in their leaders that the development of compromising position on some required sections may had been possible practice.

Constitution making is the act of people of a country through which they have to lay down the principles of action to observe for living life of national harmony. This is the real disposition of sovereignty. This is a social contract among the people of a country to act and deal in a manner making the implementation of this a reality. This is natural right of humanity and is in accordance with dictation of nature without observing which the system of individual and collective life may not be executable. The act of constitution making is the act of people to perform. Neither has any body any right nor is of any use any effort to compel or assume any responsibility of making law or to take any decision for the life and prosperity of any body or community without their express command in that respect. Following concepts will assist to see how people had to perform their responsibilities.

1.         After attaining sovereign status people of Pakistan had to dispose of the Imperial system of slavery and develop a new political system in accordance with their ideology.

2.         The leader of nation Mohammad Ali Jinnah in his effort to develop national entity and honor of sovereignty had to step back so for people of Pakistan would be able to exercise the right of constitution making themselves.

3.         Making constitution was neither permissible nor legitimate through the dictation of founding father. It was deemed the process of evolving national unity by introducing the capacity of public participation for the constitution making.

4.        By introducing the honor and prestige of liberty the leader of nation (Mohammad Ali Jinnah) offered an opportunity to the nation of understanding the concept of their social, religious and political responsibilities for the purpose of building a capacity to lay the foundation of new social contract.

5.         There seems no reason to speculate that the leader of nation was in any way affording or even willing perpetuity of the polity under the Act of 1935. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had declared his preference to have parliamentary form of government in Pakistan, which had no factual resemblance with then existing system of government under the Act of 1935.

The Constituent Assembly comprising of elected representatives originated the process of constitution making. Amongst those proposals, one, which involved criticism of the sections of population, was the mode and extent of adoption of religious obligations. The theme of religious obligations was resolved with firm and patent determination of the members of the committees in several constitutional documents. However practicality of the premise was still out of sight, which caused substantial loss to further development of political system of the country.

Islamic Inheritance

The theme of religion in relation to constitution making or other social commotion has been and still holds dormant position in society of Pakistan. This premise of the social order has been dragged and stretched so uneven that by the passage of time it had lost its factual orientation. Currently it has been made a controversial and irresolvable ideology for the public. The majority of population currently doesn’t have practical approach for taking any decision as to its need, utility or finally setting it aside as inadaptable Divine ideals. The policy of pendency had produced harm for decision-making capacity of the nation on constitutional, legal, political and social issues, which are connected with religion. What nation ultimately had to do with this ‘sacred curriculum’ is now in background.

The introduction or ordination of religious concepts in socio-political system never had been optional in states with Islamic inheritance. These have been providing foundations in the process of constituting governments or other political organizations in Muslim societies. People of these states practice religions not only as part of their faith or legal obligation but as part of their social and psychological contentment. They believe Islam as a social system having potential to accommodate certain social requirements of the nations. Our legal system obtains lot of dependence upon juristic findings of Islam. The fact has been observed by Superior courts in their judgments. Courts in Pakistan under constitutional compulsion and command have to fill the void by the Islamic common law dispensation.[v]Where there is a vacuum on a question of law left by the statutory silence, it should be filled by Islamic common law.[vi]

Besides, in societies of conservative outlook religious wisdom for a long time has been source of inspiration of the people. There are sections of people in these societies who believe that primitively religions had been main source of guidance of humanity. Fundamental rights and obligations and several other aspect of human concern has been its main effort. Large number of people further visualizes fancies of this system of social obligations. It may comfortably be presumed that force of customary beliefs of majority of the people have sufficient energy to maintain the situation of status quo. Therefore, the situation demands that somehow there should be practical approach on resolution of 59 years old national challenge on adoption of Islamic legal system.

In historical perspectives constitution-making bodies/forums failed in creating standardization of thoughts among different sections of faith in Islamic world. It is not unique as for our society is concerned. Religious approach of various levels of different societies have unmatched divergence. It is not unconstructive and has its own dimensions of realism. It is not difficult to understand / maintain that religion is un-detachable fragment of people almost allover the world. The most relevant question is to discover why people belonging to same truism have found such a vast abyss of dissimilarities among themselves. This is an intricate issue of mysticism currently needing severe span of investigation. The exploration if honestly and wholeheartedly done can perform unmatched service to peace and humanity in the world prickly settings. Nevertheless most relevant initiative may be undertaken by exploring the causes of lamentation of the society of Pakistan, which has enthusiastic orientation of adoption of ideological basis of its freedom and continuity of that in its constitution.

Every constitution prescribes its objectives and procedure of function of state system. In such system all organs along with each national has to perform constitutional obligations. Each institution and individual has to perform destined obligations how minor the obligation may be. Being densely fabricated, disregard of any constitutional obligation may vibrate organization of state. Hence, it is necessary to emphasize necessity of faithfulness to the constitutional obligations and then to ascertain the nature and consequences of deviation of Pakistan’s constitutions. The objectives resolution is basic document describing determination of the nation on the area under discussion.

Objectives Resolution

Whereas sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and the authority be exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust;

And whereas it is the will of the people of Pakistan to establish an order:

Wherein the State shall exercise its powers and authority, through the chosen representatives of the people;

Wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed;

Wherein the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teaching and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah;

Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities freely to profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures;

Wherein the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be prescribed:

Wherein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights, including equality of status, of opportunity and before law, social, economic and political justice, and freedom of thought, expressions, belief, faith, worship and association subject to law and public morality:

Wherein adequate provision shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes:

Wherein the independence of the judiciary shall be fully secured:

Wherein the integrity of territories of the Federation. Its independence and all its rights, including its sovereign rights on land. Sea and air, shall be safeguarded: So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and honoured place amongst the nations of the World and make their full contribution towards international peace and progress and happiness of humanity; 

Now, therefore, we, the people of Pakistan; conscious of our responsibility before Almighty Allah and men; cognizant of sacrifices made by the people in the cause of Pakistan; Faithful to the declaration made by founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, that Pakistan, would be a democratic state based on Islamic principles of social justice; dedicated to the preservation of democracy achieved by the unremitting struggle of the people against oppression and tyranny;

Inspired by the resolve to protect our national and political unity and solidarity by creating an egalitarian society through a new order; do hereby, through our representatives in the National Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this constitution.

Objectives Resolution still forms foundation of our desired Islamic socio-political system. It has a profound history. The first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan passed the Objectives Resolution in 1949. The Resolution was discussed in five successive meetings of the Constituent Assembly. The Pakistan National congress, which was the main opposition party in the assembly, objected to it on the plea that it mixed up politics with religion and that it would reduce the minority communities to the status of surfs. Among the Muslim members with the solitary exception of Mian lftikharuddin, all upheld the Resolution. The non-Muslims were definitely dissatisfied with this resolution. They expressed apprehensions that it would allow the state to interfere in personal life of the citizens. Leader of the Congress party, S.C. Chattopadhya, protested that Resolution would make the non-Muslims in Pakistan "drawers of water and hewers or" wood. [vii]

It was against the faith of Muslims to draw a line between religion and political system. This inspiration of separation between religion and political affairs is so frequently propagated by people ignorant of Islamic teachings that the idea has obtained vide recognition. In spite of reservations overwhelming majority adopted the resolution. It was introduced as preamble of 1956 Constitution. The Objectives Resolution was also made Preamble of 1962 Constitution. Again when 1973 Constitution was framed, the Objectives Resolution was incorporated as Preamble of the Constitution. In 1985, a further development took place: the Objectives Resolution was made operative part of the Constitution by adding Article 2-A in the Constitution. Function of a preamble is to explain certain fundamental facts, necessary to be explained before the enactments contained in the Act can be understood. The preamble is the key to the mind of the Constitution makers.[viii]In order to understand complex situation of our legal system the contents of resolution can link our present with our commitments resolved during the course of freedom movement for realization of our responsibilities.

Judicial analysis

As resolved earlier objectives resolution has central place for Islamization of laws in Pakistan. Superior Courts examining its contents have analysed its three separate distinct components. The first is purely structural feature that sovereignty of Almighty descending on the people of Pakistan constituting state is to be exercised through their chosen representatives. So the people operating through their chosen representatives and the All mighty Allah at the apex exhaust the pristine devolution, distribution and sharing of Divine sovereignty. The individuals, the authorities, the institutions and the courts, do not figure in this structure. They make their appearance on terms, with limitation, as a result of further delegation of authority expressly made or impliedly conferred. The second is its qualitative feature. The sovereignty shared or enjoyed is delegated capable of further delegation, is by its very nature a sacred trust and has to be exercised within limits prescribed by the Almighty Allah. The third is its normative feature. The norms, the goals, the ideals, mostly mundane in nature are spelt out with particularity, which has to be achieved through the constituent assembly by the process of framing a constitution. Nowhere in the Objectives Resolution, either expressly or impliedly one finds either a test of repugnancy or of contrariety, or empowering of an individual or of an institution or authority or even a court to invoke, apply and declare Divine limits, and go on striking everything that comes in conflict with it by reference to Article 2A. Such an interpretation of Article 2-A of the Constitution and appropriation of authority so to do amounts to usurpation. It would indeed be so when the amplitude of power reserved for the Parliament, in the same Constitutional instrument is kept in view.[ix]

The Constitution of 1973 provides following contributors / forums in the matter of Islamization of laws of Pakistan. These are (i) Parliament and Provincial Assemblies (ii) Council of Islamic Ideology (iii) Federal Shariat Court, (iv) President of Pakistan and Governors of Provinces, and (v) the Courts, Tribunals and authorities required to enforce law.[x]Arts. 1- 5, 8- 40 and 227 to 231, contain a scheme and procedure for Islamization of laws and lays down guiding principles and methods to be adopted in this regard.[xi]To begin with, Article 2 of the Constitution unequivocally declares that Islam shall be the state religion. Article 29 in chapter 2, Part II of the Constitution, further declares that the "Principles of Policy set out in the chapter in the Articles 29 to 40, shall be followed by each organ or authority of the state and each person performing functions on behalf of an organ or authority of the state. Article 30 places the responsibility with respect to principles of policy on the state institutions. Reference is also necessary to Article 31 of the Constitution, which enjoins upon the state to take steps to enable the Muslims of Pakistan, individually and collectively to order their lives in accordance with fundamental principles and basic concepts of Islam and to provide facilities whereby they may be enabled to understand the meaning of life according to the Holy Qur'an and Sunnh. Besides other Islamic Provisions are embodied in Parts VII and IX of the Constitution. Article 227(I) in part IX provides that all existing laws shall be brought in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah. No law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such injunctions. It may be pointed out that in accordance with the provisions contained in part IX, the Council of Islamic Ideology has been set up which can make recommendations as to the measures to bringing existing laws into conformity with the injunctions of Islam and advise on any question referred to it, whether a proposed law is or is not repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam, etc. It is also pertinent to refer to chapter 3-A, which has now been inserted in Part VII of the constitution whereby Article 203-A to Article 203 J have been added thereto. A Federal Shariat Court has also been constituted under Article 302-C, which has been empowered either of its own motion or on a petition by a citizen of Pakistan or, the federal government or a provincial government, to examine and decide the question, whether or not any law or provision of law is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. [xii]

Interpretation of Courts

There are two viewpoints amongst academic circles regarding adequacy of required provisions in the constitution for implementation of Sharia. Article 2 is midpoint of attention.  In Article 2 Constitution provides that Islam shall be the state religion. One side see the provision possessing the potential to influence rest of the body of the constitution. The other side holds it an introductory article and mere continuation of this not enough to islamise the system of law.  The provision came to be interpreted in the courts of law in reference to certain petitions needing its implementation in letter and spirit. Courts held liberal interpretation of the Article. A Full Bench of Sindh High Court held that: Article 2 is incorporated in the introductory part of the constitution and as far as its language is concerned, it merely conveys a declaration of the state. Court observed that question arises as to the intention of the makers of the constitution by declaring that 'Islam shall be the state religion of Pakistan'. Apparently, what the Article means is that in its outer manifestation the state and its government shall carry on Islamic symbol. This Article does not even profess that by its force, it makes Islamic law to be the law of the land. The Court further observed, “There is, therefore, no scope for the argument that Islamic laws are to be enforced in their entirety by virtue of Article 2 itself.”.[xiii]

There is also difference of opinion on reading substance of objectives resolution inside all Articles of the Constitution. Article 2-A declares Objectives Resolution an effective part of the constitution. The background of introduction of this Article seems to bring compatibility amongst provisions of constitution. Whereas in State v. Zia-ur-Rahman case Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman observed that Objectives Resolution 1949, even though is a document which has generally been accepted never repealed or renounced, will not have the same status or authority as constitution itself, until its principles are incorporated within its provisions.[xiv]Despite the fact that inclusion of Article 2-A within articulated body of the constitution was deemed enough to implement Islamic obligations enshrined in the objectives resolution. But status of the issue remained unresolved. Practicality of Article 2-A came up for consideration in several petitions before the High Courts of the provinces. The Lahore High Court in a case Sakina Bibi v. Federation of Pakistan[xv]had to resolve command of the Article over rest of the provisions of the constitution. The court answered in affirmative. The issue resolved was that Article 45 of the Constitution empowering the President of Pakistan to grant pardons etc. contravenes Islam, could be struck down as repugnant to Islamic injunctions. The Supreme Court in Hakim Khan case[xvi]seeking conciliation of conflicting position of Article2-A and 45 accepted the appeal against the judgment of Lahore High Court. The Court observed that court was not the proper forum to rule as such. If the High Court considered that the provision of Article 2-A and 45 of the Constitution were mutually conflicting, it should have referred the proposition for consideration of the Parliament. On finding incompatibility parliament was competent to amend the Constitution bringing the impugned provision in conformity with injunctions of Islam. The court ruled that a provision of the constitution couldn’t be tested on the touchstone of Article 2-A of the Constitution. The provision if found repugnant, could not be struck down by the court.

The proposition if seen in broader view, Superior Courts of Pakistan have held consistent views that on the basis of Article 2-A, no law or provision of the Constitution could be struck down. The task may appropriately be performed by the Parliament. In this context guidance may be inferred from Article 8, which has enabling analogy for the object. It clearly declares that no law can exist or be made in contravention of Fundamental Rights. Nevertheless, in the present case superior courts are unanimous in holding that for interpretation of the provision of constitution and all other laws provisions of Article 2-A are to be kept in mind and applied as yardstick wherever necessary. [xvii]

Judgments of the superior courts do not seem to have created constraints against Islamization of the system of laws.  Judicial organ maintaining independence of judiciary refrained from entering in the area of Parliament. This option of the judiciary has ensured two imperative obligations.

1.      It is the parliament that commands delegated authority to enact or correct inconsistency or deficiency in the provisions of the constitution.

2.      There should be authentic harmonious inclination in provisions of the constitution enabling unambiguous performance of Islamic obligations.

 The interpretations of courts retain genuine piece of guidance for attainment of the object. These observations have neither blocked the introduction of the process of Islamization nor have imposed their own version to reform the corpus of law. Rather courts have found appropriate forum for remedial supremacy of representative institution. Every law to be framed by the Parliament has to conform to the Injunctions of Islam as contained in Holy Qur'an and Sunnah.  If any such law is found to be repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam, the Federal Shariat Court as well as the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court has the power to scrutinize the said law on the touchstone of Islamic injunctions and make necessary declaration as contemplated in Article 203-D of the Constitution. Federal Government or provincial Governments, as the case may be, shall have to initiate process to amend the law suitably as required in the judgment.[xviii]Indian courts have held the same view regarding implications of the preamble insides the provisions of the Indian constitution.

Another share of the constitution that should have played effective role on the subject is implementations of principles of policy. Under the provisions state institutions shall enable the Muslims of Pakistan individually and collectively to order their lives in accordance with the fundamental principles and basic concepts of Islam as described in Holy Qur'an and Sunnah. Nevertheless the responsibility of deciding whether any action of an organ or authority of the state or person performing functions on behalf of an organ or authority of the state is in accordance with the Principles of Policy is that of the organ or authority of the state or of the person concerned to determine. Moreover the validity of an action or of any law shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not in accordance with the Principles of Policy. No action under the constitution shall lie against the state any organ or authority of the state or any person on such ground. In the absence of judicial check cum institutional responsibility such obligation are not supposed to be carried out faithfully by anyone.

State Omissions

There is no doubt that only legitimate representative government shall accomplish process of Islamization. Abuse of political process by extra constitutional ruling of the country reduced the strength of political parties as much that they felt no hesitation to beg Islamization from the government of Zia-ul-Haq. His regime exploiting the same demand prolonged his rule for a decade. Besieged by prolongation of the cause religious parties made several frivolous attempts for Islamization. One of their move succeeded in 1980 when a Superior Constitutional CourtFederal Shariat Court’ under Article 203-C was created. The Court has unique procedure to follow and has the jurisdiction to examine and decide the question whether or not any law is repugnant to the injunction of Islam. By virtue of relevant law, Federal Shariat Court under the procedure could exercise jurisdiction suo moto, or on petition of a citizen or governments. When it decided that any law or its provision is repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam, it was necessary to specify the day on which the decision shall take effect. An appeal from the decision of the Court was provided to the Supreme Court. For that purpose, under clause (3) of Article 203-F, a Bench known as Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court was created. The Bench consists of three permanent Muslim Judges of the Court and two Ulama who were to be appointed as Ad-hoc members of the Bench. The provisions of Chapter 3-A were given an overriding effect. However, defining the term law under clause (c) of Article 203-B, it was provided that for purposes of this chapter, it would not include the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, Muslim Personal Law, any law relating to the procedure of any court or tribunal or, any fiscal law or any law relating to the levy and collection of taxes and fees or banking or insurance practice and procedure.[xix]The entire body of law and constitution needing drastic reforms was placed out of the jurisdiction of the court. Petitioners seeking remedial control invoked jurisdiction of the court on number of issues. The court examined questions relating to succession, Muslim personal laws and Muslim family laws ordinance etc. and delivered judgments. The Government filed appeal in Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court, which set aside the judgments holding that the Federal Shariat Court had no jurisdiction in the matters.[xx]The court could hardly perform the function for it was constituted and has remained unsuccessful. This move was political had political consequences for further development of the Islamic system.

Most of the obligations for Islamization of the legal system are to be executed by parliamentarians. Chosen public representatives/ trustees have to exercise delegated authority within the limits prescribed as sacred trust. These representatives must believe in equality, tolerance, and social justice as enunciated by Islam. It means they themselves must have required knowledge of Islam. Public representatives must first enable themselves to order their lives in accordance with teachings of Islam. Article 62-63 on qualifications of the members of parliament seems good addition to ensure induction of qualified parliamentarians who have to initiate the noble cause of reforming the existing as well as fresh provisions of Islamic obligations. Parliament and executive organ mainly comprising of unqualified members have resisted implementation of this stipulation of constitution. Resultantly as emerging beneficiary of the running system they do not seem to care about implementing provision on qualifications.

In order to reform electoral process in the light of prescribed qualification constitutional petitions were filed under Article 203 of the Constitution for seeking a declaration that the entire electoral system of Pakistan is un-Islamic, against the Sharia and repugnant to the concept of society visualized in Holy Qur’an and Sunnah. It was contended that formation of political parties, election campaign, the method of canvassing for winning support, the adult franchise, and the legislative organ created through the above process are totally un-Islamic. The entire system should be completely eliminated and replaced by a new system in accord with ‘Objectives Resolution’, which is cornerstone of state laid by the founding fathers of Pakistan. It was argued that the entire election campaign is mounted on the pattern of a carnival or a circus. The first priority of each candidate is self-projection and the character assassination of the rival candidate. Shrouded in a cloak of hypocrisy and deceit candidate contrary to Islamic concept, chases the voters from door to door bagging and boasting offering allurements, threats and false promises to bag as many votes as possible etc.

The Court inter alia, observed that the spirit of the Qur'anic Injunctions has been embodied in Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution and identified number of problems contaminating the process of electioneering. The Court made number of suggestions for reforming the electoral process bringing the system of state close to Islamic values and required proper scrutiny of the candidates for determining suitability of their contribution for legislation. The Court desired screening committee for dealing complaints by members of the constituency on malpractice, unethical conduct committed by the members. The court disapproved general trends of the candidates using excessive resources during the campaign. The court ruled that Sections 13,14,49,50,52 of Representation of Peoples Act are against the Holy Qur-an and Sunnah and section 38 (4)  (c)  (ii) excluding from the count otherwise valid vote merely because the voter has disregarded the rule of secrecy is also repugnant to Qur’an and Sunnah. The Court observed that the Representation of the peoples Act 1976 and the Houses of the Parliament and Provincial Assemblies Election Order, 1977 should accordingly be amended.[xxi]The provisions of the constitution are prevented to operate for mutual benefits of aspiring parliamentarians of all sides. The situation is maintained almost the same except when these are made to operate for personal reasons. Recent move against Imran Khan of Tehrik Insaf is example of that. Majlis-e-Shoora as major contributory of enactment and promulgation of laws in conformity with the Injunctions of Islam needed to be reformed in the light of judgment referred above. Review of scrutiny record reveals that public representatives so far have not realized to comply with those terms and failed to honour the oath taken under the constitution for implementation of the Islamic Obligations.

Maintainability of Islamic provisions was ensured but practicality remained unattended.  The society not only failed to implement Islamic share of constitution in the country, it failed to implement rests of social obligations in material terms and has yet to establish any other system free of impurities. Islamic social / political system equally demands constitutionalism. The state system influenced as a result requires enforcement of Fundamental Rights, efficiently functioning judiciary, guardianship of the needy and elimination of poverty etc. Islam also stresses simplicity of public functionaries and impartial system of accountability of head of state to common servant. This has been deviation of legal obligations to evolve a system of reimbursement at time when society was capable not only to contribute adherence but to guard against resistance. It was the occasion of independence of the nation. Rest of the time mostly had been the period of deviations, which has contributed the amount of diversity of thoughts in social sects enough to take equivalent time for its reconciliation.

Faithfulness of the governments for Islamization of laws out of existing emaciated provisions remained question mark. The governments instead of making consolidated efforts rather applied the provisions for discretionary appointment/transfer of Judges to get rid of judges upholding independence of judiciary. The president under the law had unusual, inequitable powers under sub-Article 4-B of Article 203. The President may at any time modify the term of appointment of a Judge; assign a Judge to any other office and require a Judge to perform such other functions as the President may deem fit. He may still pass such other orders, as he may consider appropriate. Thus, a constitutional Court constituted for Islamization of laws in Pakistan became a dumping ground for the serving Judges who were considered to be undesirable by the President or Prime Minister of Pakistan.[xxii]

System of Sharia is not man made system. Its foundations are in Divine commands combined with juristic instinct of humanity. This is practically proved code of life backed by rule of law and system of good governance. It combines each and every phase of human life therefore is consistent and consolidated scheme of law. It is a system of welfare and its implementation demands submission. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had exact vision for Islamic political system as system of life derived by realistic, modern and academic deduction excluding customary beliefs and practices of orthodoxy values. Quaid-e-Azam in his speech on 19th March 1944 in a meeting of Punjab Muslim Students Federation proclaimed, “Islam is our guide and complete code of our life. We don’t want any ism, socialism, communism or National Socialism”. Liaqat Ali Khan acknowledged it as body of faith, tradition and belief, which has been a part of man's heritage for over thirteen hundred years. He believed that this ideology when applied to statecraft and conduct of human affairs is bound to promote human welfare. He added that we want to follow Islamic ways of life. What we mean is that we could not possibly do otherwise.  These are the principles that were embodied in the concept of Pakistan when we fought for it.[xxiii] 

Review of the existing position of law reveals that Articles of the constitution on the subject have no consistency and compatibility with other provisions of the constitution. The status of these Articles seems neglected portion of the Constitution. Nation had high hopes from council of Islamic Ideology. Chairman of Council Dr. Khalid Masood has said that the Council did provided valuable suggestions to the government on important issues but most of them went unheard. The Chairman added that during the last three years as many as seventy-two recommendations were sent to the government but only seventeen received the positive response. He also said that the Council has suggested that amendment in all laws enacted from 1977 to 1990 be made consistent with Quran and Sunnah. He deplored that the recommendations of Council of Islamic Ideology were not implemented. He proposed to the government to form a committee comprising members of the National Assembly tasked to give practical shape to suggestions of the Council but all in vain.[xxiv]Same is the situation in financial sector. There is mockery in the name of Islamic Banking. While from January 1, 1985 the interest–based banking has vanished and under the law no interest based banking system exist in Pakistan since July 1, 1985 as per State Bank circulars. Rest of the matters also have the same status. Practically we have not been able to travel much in either of the directions. It is needed to give fell effect to the objectives behind the creation of the state. [xxv]

Common man has been given a wrong concept of Islamic values. He has been allowed to redeem the adulterated version of Islamic obligations. The two distinct areas of Islam dealing public and private sections of Divine system of obligations have to be partitioned facilitating separation of relatively optional fragment. The section of obligations comparatively belonging to personal responsibilities may have been made of no controversy. Islamic popular welfare system of public administration based on joint responsibilities is produced by concrete efforts. Deviations have caused fatal consequences. Nation paid the cast of mishandling implementation of Islamic obligations in the country. The movement of Nizam-e-Mustafa in 1977 was hijacked by Zia-ul-Haq resulting in revocation of political system for the period of ten years. Society is facing a strong wave of extremism causing imposition of compulsory international aggression on Pakistan. Talabnization is deemed a serious menace against breeding Islamic values amongst hesitant members of the society. Talaban mainly a conservative student community has turned reactionary and is challenging authority of the governments of the region. Instead of arbitrarily resisting this community belonging to Pakistan, government has to evolve political reforming strategy to bring them in national mainstream.

A considerable majority of Pakistan seems steadfastly affiliated with their socio-religious commitments. Islamic principles have shaped the grund norms of the Muslim societies. Grund norm is an ideology, aim and final object of the country and nation. The situation in Pakistan has not yet radically altered. The objectives resolution of 1949, which inter alia provided that the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed” has been held to be the grund norm of Pakistan.[xxvi]There is active faith in general population to have religious colour in certain matters of their life. This controversy may be resolved on the basis of Islamic principles. The policy of ignorance may continue to result in deviation of constitutional obligations. No nation can afford existing languish situation in the interest of devotion of people of the society in strict compliance of the entire body of legal obligations. There are certain concerns the nation had to focus for explication and are produced here;  

1.      Islam is an imperative segment of social order which nation cannot keep pending forever without decision on the range of its intermingling in the legal system of the state.

2.      The state of irresolution has created current languish situation in social sectors preventing growth of standardized legal / social norms in the society.

3.      This is also causing consequent impairment on securing the sagacity of political system in the country.

4.      The mode of management of its unconstructive implications in the society has to be determined for development of Islamic representative constitutional and political structure for our country.  

Resolution

Islamization of the society is a virtuous national mission. Only a legitimate and representative government would undertake it. At present the nation is politically based beyond August 1947. It happened due to suppression of political process since birth of the society. Outcome for this failure is that nation has no democratically developed constitution as the forefathers desired. We have survived without standard fair general elections in between forty years of our independent life. Therefore no system of representative government has so far emerged in the country. Consequently no durable positive steps have been taken to determine the nature of public legal system. Presently curatives are seen naturally making their place in the society. Fair transparent general elections seem due in near future. Keeping in view the past experience representative government may need to evolve a system free of ambiguities. All pending constitutional issues along with Islamization of the system should be resolved in the following manners.

1.      In founding base for Islamization of legal structure national movement has to be launched for durable social reforms in the society to upgrade academic and moral standard of general population. State shall provide opportunities of inexpensive education of same standard for all at all level. Government should plan to own the parallel academic empire run by religious charity organizations all over the country with their participation.

2.      Government should constitute a broad based constitution commission to review the constitution in the light of proposals of federating units on all outstanding national issues inclusive of the judgments of courts on Islamization of the system.

3.      The Commission should comprise of qualified representative parliamentarians, superior court judges of higher integrity, moderate Islamic scholars of all schools of thought and members of legal fraternity.

4.      A coherent scheme of Islamization of laws as prepared by the commission be incorporated in the Constitution replacing the existing one. 

5.      A Federal Constitutional Court be constituted to examine implementation process of Islamization. The Court should have jurisdiction to resolve intermingling issues of all nature and propose review of its recommendations by the parliament.

With all of these efforts state may succeed in resolving the issue that has delayed accomplishment of structural development of the country. Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan rightly observed on the occasion of presentation of the Objectives Resolution that “It is not every day that great nations come into their own; it is not every day that people stand on the threshold of renaissance; it is not every day that destiny beckons the down-trodden and the subjugated to rise and greet the dawn of a great future.  It is the narrow streak of light heralding the brilliance of the full day that we salute in the form of this Resolution. [xxvii]

 

 

REFERENCES

1.      Report of the Constitution Commission, 1961, Govt. of Pakistan Para 32, Chapter 1.

2.      Khan, Hamid, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan; Oxford University Press, 2001, P. 100.

3.      Benazir Bhutto v. Federation of Pakistan, P.L.D 1988, S.C. 416.

4.      Newberg, Paula R “Judging the state” Cambridge University, 1995, p 57.

5.      Mist Kaneez Fatima v. Wali Mohammad and others, P.L.D. 1993, S., C. 901.

6.      Fazal Ghafoor v. Chairman Land dispute Mardan, S.C.M.R., 1993, 1073.

7.      Mehmood, Safdar, Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan, Jung Publishers, 1989.p 11. 

8.      Satan Singh v. State of Rajasthan. A.I.R. 1965, S.C. 845.

9.       Hakim Khan and others v. Government of Pakistan, P.L.D.1992, S.C, 595.

[1].       Shaukat Hussain Mst. Rubina and others, P.L.D., 1989, Kar. 513.

[1].       P.L.D., 1980, S.C, 160.

[1].       Habib Bank Limited v Messrs waheed textile Mills Limmited, P.L.D., 1989, Kar. 371.

[1].       Niaz Ahmed v. Province of Sindh P.L.D., 1977. Karachi. 604.

[1].       State v. Zia-ur-Rehman, P.L.D. 1973, S.C. 49.

[1].       Sakina Bibi v. Fedeation of Pakistan, P.L.D. 1992, Lahore, 99.

[1].       Hakim Khan and others v. Government of Pakistan, PLD, 1992, S.C. 595.

[1].       Justice Rizvi, Shabber Raza, Constitutional Law of Pakistan, Vanguard Books, 2005, p. 36.

[1].       Aslam Khaki V. Muhammad Hashim, P.L.D. 2000, S.C. 225.

[1].       Sardar Ali and others v. Muhammad All and others, P.L.D. 1988, S.C. 287.

[1].       Federation of Pakistan v. Mst. Farishta, P.L.D 1981. S.C,120.

[1].       Muhammad Salahuddin v. Government of Pakistan, P.L.D. 1990 F. S.C., 1.

[1].       Tanzeelur-Rehman. P.L.D., 2002, Journal, 66.

[1].       Speeches in U.S. and Canada by Liaqat Ali Khan, Harvard Univerity Press. P. 46.

[1].       “The Dawn” June 14. 2007.

[1].       Justice Saeed Khan Khosa P.L.D, 1995, J.17.

26.    Hussain Naqi v. the District Magistrate, P.L.D. 1973, Lah.164.

[1].       Speech of Liaqat Ali Khan, Mehmood,  Safdar, Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan, Jung Publishers, 1989. p 51.

 

JUDGES AND ELECTIONS:
Some Reflections, Observations and Suggestions from the Perspectives of a Civil Judge

By
MUHAMMAD AMIR MUNIR
(Civil Judge 1st Class / Judicial Magistrate s.30)
Additional-Director (Academics)
Federal Judicial Academy, Islamabad

The experience of working as returning officer (RO), assistant returning officer (ARO), presiding officer (PO) and revising authority (RA) during past four important elections has made me to learn a lot about the roles of a judge during election activity, the common man, the political elite, the executive, the police and the elections themselves. Many hard realities came to light while at the same time something over and above of traditional judicial duties provided experience towards a new sort of public dealing. Extensive tours to the electoral area and the polling stations provided a pleasant change in routine duties.

Although the involvement of judiciary[1] in conduct of elections was meant to use its exalted position for a free, fair and impartial election activity, but the events that are beyond control of the judiciary during this activity brings bad name for the judiciary for no fault on part of the judiciary itself, e.g., lack of police control and vigilance during and after election hours, highly charged political environment, use of fire-arms by political rivalries, resultant harassment to the voters and weak candidates, non-cooperation of police with returning officers, no security for presiding officers during and after election hours until they deliver results to the returning officer, mismanagement of transport plan for presiding officers, etc., to name a few. Hence, it needs review of paradigm shift into the power and role of each functionary responsible for conduct of fair and impartial elections. Due to the election work, the judicial work generally and the litigants particularly suffer the most as all the judicial work is generally adjourned without formal hearings for almost two months for general or local bodies’ elections. Anyhow, loss of judicial time for a ‘greater good’ (judiciary conducting elections!) can be deemed a fair trade-off between judicial and election duties if ‘greater good’ is really achieved; but what to say of vice-versa!

The process of elections starts from appointment of returning officers, assistant returning officers and other staff while the activity is headed by district judges of respective districts as district returning officers (DROs). As a matter of policy, only then executive officers are involved in substantial election activity when there are no alternative judicial officers available. Perhaps for the reason that people have more confidence in judiciary than in executive, the judiciary has been involved for the conduct of the elections. However, we have a lot–before, during and after the election process–which lowers the image of judiciary in the eyes of public, sometimes more due to the actions or inactions on part of the executive, who are to help the judiciary in conduct of elections. Citizens, therefore, rightly raise their eye-brows to take to their surprise any allegations of rigging made although the elections have been conducted by the judiciary.

Practically, election activity is monitored district wise through DROs, who are made so to coordinate between the returning officers of their respective districts and the election commission. The main responsible person of election in any constituency is RO who works with the help of ARO and other staff attached to his/her court. However, for every action or inaction, the RO cannot shift his or her responsibility to anyone else for fair and impartial conduct of election in the constituency under his / her control.

The best thing in my view is that judges are not easily accessible by the general public, the executive and the political elites. This is part of their training as well as their experience over the years as judicial officers. Perhaps, the code of conduct applicable to the judicial officers remains applicable even when they function under the election commission. This area, however, needs consideration by the judicial policy makers so that the code of conduct may be made more exhaustive to address the issues relating to the elections vis-à-vis the judicial officers. The election duty requires a change in the attitude and behavior of the judicial officers towards the candidates, their learned counsel and other supporters who appear before them during election activity. It is so because the election duty is, by its definition, an executive duty and hence, the provisions of code of conduct for judges cannot be made applicable in stricto senso. Judiciary as an institution has great respect in the eyes of common man for the reason of judiciary’s fear, awe and decorum. The role of the judicial officers involved in election activity is, therefore, much sensitive and important not only for conduct of free, fair and impartial election activity but also for maintaining the notions of ‘independence’ and ‘impartiality’. Still we cannot avoid the statements in the press that ‘one or the other thing has been done on the instructions of government!’ Generally, this is only political propaganda, while there ought not to be any question of instructions received from any government or its functionaries. The independence of judiciary even during the election process can easily be maintained, thus, by the judicial officers being members of the judiciary. This is the reason of public confidence in judiciary being unapproachable.

There are many problems faced by the public in elections. Many have no link with or control of the judiciary itself. For example, due to paucity of funds, some arrangements may have lapsed. What to blame to a returning officer who is unable to use his / her official vehicle provided by the district administration with meager fuel charges. It is another matter that we never heard of a returning officer with such complaint. What a returning officer is supposed to do when he or she is short of funds and facilities necessarily required for conduct of election? The impartiality of judiciary and its independence is always affected jurisprudentially when such things happen and the issues remain unnoticed and not properly addressed by the election commission or the high courts. In my view, there must be a special report written by every judicial officer connected with the election activity and sent to the high court concerned (as is the case for a report for election commission by each returning officer) for preparation of consolidated report at each high court level and submitted to the National Judicial (Policy Making) Committee for policy action at the highest judicial level. It will check any probability of allegations against the judiciary for the fault of administration, police or other agencies involved in election activity.

The ROs are always found having done things to minimize any complaint of public as well as contesting candidates. For example, during the distribution of election material to electoral staff (presiding officers etc), lack of facilities like water, proper conveyance, and personnel is a failure on part of the executive and not of the judiciary. As far as the facilities at the polling stations are concerned, it is the available infrastructure to which judiciary cannot change only for the election purpose. Efforts, wherever possible, are always made to facilitate the candidates and their voters by improvising the facilities. I still remember one municipal corporation primary school in Multan where no electric fans were available in its class rooms. I know voters and contesting candidates have made arrangements but what to think of students of that school who are forced to study there during the hot summers of Multan famous for their scorching effect. Even the building was in so much poor condition that its roofs were damaged and no doors were available. Another such example was Govt. Degree College for Women, Multan. When I visited that college for checking election arrangements, I found that girls were attending classes in tents raised in lawns of college. On my inquiry from the vice-principal about this state of affair, she informed that the college has no class rooms for these students. When I asked why more students have been admitted in college than its structural capacity, she was without any answer.

Anyhow, election duty brings many more things to a judicial officer which otherwise are not desired of him / her in his / her judicial conduct. For example, during ordinary judicial life, judicial officer is required not to intermingle with the public and should avoid going to public places without necessity.[1] But in elections, judicial officers, as a matter of duty, have to meet and facilitate so many people inquiring or complaining about one or the other election matter. Much interaction occurs with the political figures of the constituency. Even to appoint a large number of polling staff (consisting of almost every government, semi-government departments and even private organizations working at the district level) also made judicial officers vulnerable to come into a little bit executive style of relationship with them. How one can at once get away from all such developed relationship when the election activity ends?  What if the ordinary shopkeepers and others start recognizing a judge due to his/her election duty? Perhaps, judges become more prone to public access as an outcome of duties performed during elections.[1]

It is prime duty of returning officer to make all the polling stations fit for election purposes. For that, physical verification of buildings through visits is a must. And that brings a judge into streets.[1] I remember moving in the streets of old cities of Multan and Gujrat. It brings lot of excitement to explore physically those geographical areas under your control as returning or assisting returning officer. But at the same time, interaction with many people of the area becomes indispensable. You have to discuss any prospective problems regarding any particular polling station with the locals of the area along side the view point of the contesting candidates.

Another thing that I noted was the public reaction to various orders passed by the returning officers. I found that public, as a whole, give less respect to returning officer as compared to a judge while sitting in courtroom. I have experienced that during the filing of nomination papers, disbursement of electoral material to polling staff, and the activities of election day, people bother less about any orders passed by the returning officers. Comparatively, more respect is shown by the same number of people in courtroom during judicial duties. I found that people behave differently when they are in courtroom during judicial work as compared to the time when they are in the same courtroom with same person sitting on the presiding chair. To quote an example from Multan, it is regrettably mentioned that some of the election staff (teachers of a government college) made a blow to one judicial officer during disbursement of election material. Even the awe of judges lessens during this activity, although everyone knows that returning officers are judges.

In recent local bodies elections, I, along with my two other colleagues, was serving as presiding officer for a tehsil nazim election at Kharian. The activity remained peaceful during the voting hours, but at the time of ballot count, some intruders came there and made aerial firing for almost fifteen minutes and tried to sabotage the whole vote counting process. The ballot papers/boxes were damaged in booth where vote count for tehsil nazim was under progress. However, as the result was already prepared by my colleague incharge of said polling booth, he managed to announce the same just before the sabotage activity. Hence, the purpose of intruders still failed due to timely action of my colleague to provide the result to the RO without fear of what happened at the booth. Police were nowhere during such brutal act. However, God saved all of us and no one of us, as also any other staff or polling agents, got any injury. But I can remember that such ten or fifteen minutes’ firing made all of us to recall the Sialkot Jail incident where four civil judges (including one of my batch-mates) were brutally murdered and police remained fail to avoid the mishap. I made a call from my cell phone to the RO who showed his helplessness on phone by saying that he is unable to contact police as police is not attending his calls! When the culprits left the scene, I asked the DSP about the police during all that happened. He replied: ‘Police were taking their positions!’[1] So it was loud enough for all of us (the members of district judiciary) what he means (perhaps the culprits were under police protection as not a single fire was made on the culprits by the police nor their car tires were made to burst by the police![1])

We have also heard that one civil judge/returning officer was subject to physical torture in Gujranwala during last local bodies elections. One of my senior colleagues, who is an additional district and sessions judge, informed me that during an election duty in the past, he was made to remain hostage at the polling station for almost two hours by supporters of some candidate in an election.

There are many such like and other incidents where judicial officers suffer personally to serve as returning officers or presiding officers. If you are in the judicial service, you will hear a lot about these, but no one writes about these things so that any effective policy is made by the executive, the legislature and the judicial policy makers to control such type of incidents. Here, we need someone who can speak on behalf of judiciary in this aspect of their official life.[1]

One more thing noted in all these elections was that the petrol charges provided by the election commission were always too short to meet the requirements of commutation during election activity as also the stationary charges. To visit far flung polling stations again and again consumes much petrol. But perhaps, no extra money was ever provided to meet the extra expenses on petrol. Hence, the election commission must give second thought to this aspect because due to non attendance of this issue, there are many chances that some other sources can be used for running the cars provided for election duty. In my view, petrol charges must be given on the basis of actual mileage covered by the transport provided to each RO through a log.

Coinciding with this is the issue of official vehicles provided to the judiciary during the election activity. It is the duty of the district administration to provide official vehicles to the returning officers for their movements during election duty. It is a common complaint of district judiciary that district administration provides very old and non-functional vehicles during elections just to comply with the orders of the chief election commissioner in this respect. Practically, the vehicles are found not in good condition to meet the requirements of returning officers who have to travel a lot during election activity. The election commission and the administration must give due consideration to this aspect and efforts should be made to provide vehicles of good order to the returning officers.

Police force is always found insufficient during elections. This provides much opportunity to those who try to rig at the poling stations. Only one or two policemen with no fire-arms are not enough to control law and order situation at the polling stations. Further, during the recent local bodies election, I found that police was not cooperating with the judiciary and even reports were made that no police officer visited a polling station where rigging complaint was made early in the morning. I have seen one of the presiding officers, who was harassed so much that he was not in a position to speak a single word. He was rescued by the RO, but again without any police force to even help the RO. Many efforts during election hours have been made to have a conversation with the police head[1] but all proved futile. During election hours, I was only able to talk to the DPO once. When I complained him that police response on complaints of law and order situation at various polling stations is very slow, he showed his helplessness.

No police force was provided to the returning officers to visit polling stations with security. So if returning officer is unable to visit a polling station on a complaint for the reasons mentioned above, any complaints of rigging can be attributed to the executive / police by way of vicarious liability. To tackle this situation, I am of the view that in every district, election activity must be divided into four phases so that more police contingents are available for the areas where elections are underway. It becomes a real difficulty and practical impossibility for police force to act timely during election activity everywhere in the city. Perhaps, police can be consulted in this matter and a joint conference can be organized by the judiciary, the executive, the police, and the election commission to point out the problems and their prospective solutions.

Another important area that needs little discussion is the personnel that are appointed presiding officers at the polling stations. Mostly, they are school or college teachers. They cannot face the pressure of political leaders during elections. It has been experienced that some of the presiding officers were abducted by the candidates and after preparation of fake results with forced signatures of presiding officers, the presiding officers were made to deliver the results to the returning officers. There is no proof to prove this observation. However, this is what we hear after the elections. School and college teachers are locals of the area and they avoid any conflict with the candidates who threaten them of dire consequences. What to talk of female presiding officers! We commonly hear complaints that the presiding officers provided one result to the candidates and press reporters at the polling station and another to the returning officers. The returning officer is bound to accept the official result provided to him / her by the presiding officer. It is in its authority to verify physically the result if serious complaints are made. But what to say when not only the result is manipulated but the ballots also. This is done by the presiding officers after they leave the polling station but before reaching the returning officers either under harassment and influence of the candidate intending to rig the result or with connivance of the same. These are difficult areas to address by simple solutions. They need due consideration not only by the election commission but judiciary can also provide its input being one of the important stake-holders in conduct of the election. The reputation of judiciary is always at stake during elections and hence to protect the same due to fault of other agencies involved in the election activity is need of the time through a timely policy action or direction to the organizations concerned.

To address this issue, there may be many solutions. One option can be the use of information technology. In each and every polling station, the activity can be monitored through mini cameras (just as same have been installed on roads by the traffic police) and presiding officers can be provided with fax machines, cell phones and email facility to send a copy of the result to the returning officer through these means before leaving the polling station for physical hand over of the result and other allied matters. For this purpose, the election commission can use the wireless phone facility and computers. Computers can be hired from educational institutions while wireless phone facility can easily be obtained from the national telecommunication and other private organizations in the field. Wireless phone service providers also provide internet services through the same phone set for no extra cost. This is possible and will definitely generate positive impact regarding the fairness of the election activity which remains out of sight of the returning officer unless he or she receives the copy of result declared by the presiding officer. Use of electronic voting system and computerized ID cards will even help more in this regard. Election commission needs to prioritize its activities towards this side to raise its credibility in the eyes of public.  

It is also seen that during the filing of nomination papers, many election disputes regarding academic qualifications arise. No guidance or manual is provided to the returning officers to decide these matters. Every time same disputes are filed. To address this issue, election commission must prepare a ‘bench-book’ for returning officers in which all the important case law relating to election disputes is to be provided subject-wise. Further, election commission must provide names of all the educational institutions, boards and other degree/certificate awarding institutions whose degrees/certificates are recognized by the higher education commission or other such bodies. Any certificate not mentioned in such booklet will be a disqualification for the contesting candidate. Election commission has ample time to do this exercise for the help of returning officers. All the relevant judgments relating to this issue must be included in this proposed booklet. It will help ROs to be more precise while deciding these issues. Further, candidates must be made to provide certified (and not the attested) copies of their credentials by the degree/certificate awarding institutions or the higher education commission.

Election symbols is another area for consideration. When the number of candidates is high in one constituency, as generally happens in local bodies elections, the ballot papers contain many symbols. Some of them used to be so identical that it becomes difficult for the voters to duly identify symbol of the candidate of their choice. I have received an application in one of the elections I conducted as RO wherein it was alleged (and rightly alleged) that the symbol of ship and boat confused the voters. For example, if the candidate was allotted symbol of ship, the voters voted for him at boat although boat was not assigned to any of the candidates. Consider the situation if boat was also allotted to another contesting candidate who will obtain votes of his rival due to confusion about symbol. This controversy even cannot be addressed through an election petition as there is no measure that the votes actually cast in favor of boat was actually meant for ship. Little effort on part of election commission can avoid such type of problems for voters. It must be addressed.

            There are many other areas for discussion and deliberations on the issue in hand; however, due to paucity of time, I conclude my essay. If I will find more time to write about other matters not discussed in this essay, I will do the same. I hope that judicial officers with election experience will be prompted to add to this essay their own ideas and experiences. A debate within the district judiciary is necessary for raising all those issues that are not generally reported to the higher authorities. One way is to organize a conference, as suggested above, on the issues raised and discussed with participants from the district judiciary, police, election commission and district administration. I recommend to all the stake-holders to consider this proposal.

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THE MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS OF JURISDICTION OVER INTERNATIONAL CRIMES

By:

USMAN HAMEED*
LL.M (Sheffield UK)

INTRODUCTION:

The international crimes are crimes of most serious concern to international community. The international crimes can be prosecuted both before national courts as well as international criminal tribunals. Recently the principle of universality has evolved which empowers any state to bring to justice the authors of international crimes. The jurisdiction of international criminal tribunals is spelt out in the instrument of their creation. The states are generally reluctant to exercise universal jurisdiction hence the international criminal tribunals are more appropriate forums to prosecute the perpetrators of international crimes.

In this paper at the out set international crime and state jurisdiction will be discussed Secondly the exercise of universal jurisdiction by state courts will be discussed. Thirdly the exercise of jurisdiction by international courts will be considered. Fourthly merits and demerits of international adjudication will be considered and finally the conclusions will be made.

INTERNATIONAL CRIMES:

The International crimes are offences against the whole international community.

They give rise to the personal criminal responsibility of the accused as opposed to state responsibility even if the crime is committed under the directions of government. Usually the international crimes involve widespread and systematic violations of fundamental rights of a population on racial, religious, ethnic and political grounds. A person accused of international crimes cannot claim immunity. The international crimes comprise of serious violations of customary rules meant to protect dignity of mankind as a whole hence they bind all nations and individuals alike. Since repression of these crimes is in the interest of all nations, any state is empowered to prosecute and punish the person accused of international crimes. Under the customary law the international crimes entailing individual criminal responsibility include piracy, war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, torture, terrorism and aggression. The conventional laws also include drug trafficking and illicit arms trade amongst international crimes but they are not recognized as international crimes under customary international law. (1).

HOW STATES CAN EXERCISE JURISDICTION OVER INTERNATIONAL CRIMES:

Traditionally the individuals were subject to the jurisdiction of the state in which they lived. At that time violation of international rules was generally attributed to the state of nationality of the offender. In case the offender happened to be a state official he or she was immune from criminal proceeding. After the emergence of international crimes as an independent category of offences the principle of individual criminal responsibility was established. Now states can exercise jurisdiction over international crimes on following four bases:

  • Nationality of the accused or active nationality.
  • Place of commission of crime or territorial state.
  • Nationality of the victims or passive nationality.
  • Universality principle

It has been observed that states are generally not inclined to prosecute foreigners for committing crimes against foreigners in the territories of other states. It is so because the international crimes are mostly committed with encouragement of governmental authorities and states do not want to spoil their diplomatic relations by interfering in the domestic affairs of each other. Moreover as most of the persons accused of international crimes are government officials the states of their nationality do not cooperate with prosecuting states in extradition and collection of evidence. Similarly the assumption of jurisdiction by the victims' state is also regarded unusual because due to public sentiments involved it is difficult for judges to remain impartial.

Usually the territorial state and state of nationality of accused are considered as appropriate forums of trial because it is easy for those two forums to collect evidence and in this way inviolability of sovereignty is also ensured. (2)

THE UNIVERSALITY PRINCIPLE:

More recently the universality principle has evolved in relation to exercise of jurisdiction over international crimes. As international crimes are crimes of common concern to whole international community, under the universality principle 'any state is empowered to prosecute and punish the accused regardless of nationality of accused or victim and place of the commission of offence.' This principle finds support in both customary as well as conventional international law. In customary law Piracy is considered as an attack on freedom of high seas and pirates are regarded as enemies of mankind therefore any state is entitled to prosecute them. In 1927 the Permanent Court of International Justice observed in the Lotus Case (France v. Turkey) that "'States are tree to exercise criminal jurisdiction over acts performed outside their territory whenever no specific international limitation restrict their freedom". In line with PCIJ ruling in the Lotus Case when Israel arrested and prosecuted Eichman in 1962 in the exercise universal jurisdiction it was not challenged by any other state. At the level of treaty law the exercise of universal jurisdiction is warranted in grave breaches of Geneva Conventions 1949, the 1984 torture convention and in treaties regarding terrorism. These treaties are not confined to prosecuting the accused; they also oblige the states to extradite the accused to a state concerned if they are not themselves willing to prosecute. The rationale of universal jurisdiction is two fold:

1- The international crimes are crimes of such a serious magnitude that they deserve to be prevented by all states.

2- The universal character of these crimes vests in every state the authority to try and punish the accused (3).

In its Judgment in the Genocide case (Bosnia v. Yugoslavia) the ICJ observed that territorial restrictions do not apply to rights and obligations which are ergo omens (4)

CONDITIONAL UNIVERSALITY:

It is argued by some writers that universal jurisdiction can only be exercised if the accused is present on the territory of prosecuting state. This is called conditional universality. The main reason for conditional universality is the fact that trial in the absence of accused is neither recognized in the domestic legal system of majority of states nor it is allowed under the statutes of international tribunals. It is commonly believed that trial in absentia deprives the accused of his fundamental right of fair and impartial hearing. Furthermore even if the accused is convicted subsequent to an absentia trial, the state of his nationality may not be willing to surrender or extradite him. In such case the whole purpose of the trial will be defeated because the enforcement of judgment will become impossible. Hence it is important for the exercise of universal jurisdiction that accused should be in custody of prosecuting state. Nevertheless more widely accepted view is that all pre trial proceedings can be conducted in the absence of accused including issuance of warrants and collection of evidence but trial itself can only begin once the accused is present on the territory of prosecuting state. (5)

IMMUNITY FROM JURISDICTION:

A Person accused of international crimes cannot claim exemption from the exercise of jurisdiction by foreign states on the ground that alleged crimes were committed in performance of his official functions and he is immune from criminal proceedings. There are two kinds of immunities in international law .Functional immunity and Personal immunity Functional immunity means a state official is immune from criminal proceedings if he commits a crime in the exercise of his official functions.

This immunity is related to acts done in the service of state and it continues even after the relinquishment of office by the state official. Under the statutes of ICC, ICTY and ICTR functional immunities have been cancelled. Personal immunity is available to current Heads of states, foreign ministers and diplomatic agents. It terminates as soon as the office is relinquished. This immunity applies to acts done by state officials in private as well as official capacity (6).

According to the facts of Case Concerning Arrest Warrant (if 11 ApriI2000(Congo V Belgium) an investigating judge of a Belgian Court issued a warrant for the arrest of an incumbent foreign minister of Congo and circulated the same to other countries. The warrant was issued on the charges of instigating ethnic massacre of Citizens of Congo in the territory of Congo. The issuance of warrant was challenged by Congo in the International Court of Justice on the ground that it was in violation of sovereign equality of states. The ICJ observed in its judgment that a foreign minister is a representative of his state and his acts are considered as acts of his state. In case he is arrested during his official or private visit abroad, he will be prevented from performing his official functions and his arrest may also spoil the diplomatic relations between the two states. Therefore while in office, heads of states and foreign ministers are completely immune from criminal proceedings during their private or public visits abroad. (7)

Although the states are barred from exercising universal jurisdiction against a person enjoying immunity from criminal responsibility, nevertheless House of Lords in R v: Bow Street Metropolitan Stipendiary Magistrate. exp Pinochet Ugarte Case (2./ March 1999) has drawn a distinction between the immunity enjoyed by an incumbent head of state and a former head of state. According to the judgment' an incumbent head of state enjoys complete immunity from criminal proceedings abroad whereas a former head of state enjoys immunity pertaining to only those acts which are done in performance of his official functions. The limited immunity available to a former head of state does not extend to acts done in private capacity during his stay in office. The offences alleged against ex General Pinochet of Chile included torture which could not be regarded as official function of a head of state, therefore Pinochet being a former head of state is not immune from criminal proceedings for ordering torture during his stay in office (8).

CONDITIONS FOR THE EXERCISE OF UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION:

The exercise of universal jurisdiction by state courts is subject to the fulfillment of certain conditions. According to R. V Bow Street Metropolitan Stipendiary Magi.5Irate, ex p Pinochet Ugarte Case (House (if Lords, 24 March 1999) a Spanish Court exercising universal jurisdiction issued a warrant for the arrest of ex General Pinochet the former head of state of Chile on the charges of torture and hostage taking in the territory of Chile. The accused was arrested on his visit to U.K. Subsequently Spain sought extradition of accused. The House of Lords observed in appeal that .following conditions must be satisfied for extradition:

  1. The alleged act must be a crime under the laws of both, the extraditing state and the prosecuting state. (Principle of double criminality)
  2. The alleged act must not be legal at the time of commission or the accused must not genuinely believe it to be legal. {Principle of legality)
  3. The alleged act must violate a superior rule of international law (.Jus Cogens). (9).

UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION AND STATE PRACTISE:

Although some international conventions do encourage the states to prevent and punish international crimes by exercising universal jurisdiction yet the state practise is not consistent in this regard. A few states like Belgium and Spain have granted universal jurisdiction to their courts by making legislation to this effect, nevertheless majority of the states believe that they are not under legal obligation to prosecute or extradite the persons accused of international crimes. Hence necessary opinion juris is lacking. Moreover states do not like to interfere in the domestic affairs of each other. In view of this, it can be argued that customary law has not yet evolved making it obligatory for states to prevent and punish international crimes by exercising universal jurisdiction (9 a).

IMPEDIMENTS ON THE EXERCISE OF UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION BY NATIONAL COURTS:

Usually the State courts have to face following common problems in the exercise of universal jurisdiction over international crimes:

  • If a person accused of international crimes never enters the prosecuting state the judge will have to investigate a large number of complaints about which he can do nothing.
  • Trial in the absence of accused will be criticised for violating the fundamental rights of accused.
  • The state of nationality may refuses to cooperate and extradite the accused.
  • Where accused is a state official mere issuance of arrest warrant without caution may lead to international dispute.
  • Where more than one state start criminal proceedings against the same accused for same crime, there can be a great risk of inconsistent rulings.
  • Where the trial involves a high ranking state official, due to political nature of the case the judge can be politicised.
  • As international crimes are generally committed by individuals with the encouragement and support of territorial state, such state may not cooperate in collection of evidence.(l0)

It is emphasized that the exercise of universal jurisdiction is useful where international crimes are committed by low ranking defendants not high ranking state officials. With regard to low ranking defendants, the collection of evidence and issuance of warrant even in their absence will facilitate their subsequent arrest. Low r811king defendants are not well known persons and usually no national feelings are associated with their arrest. Hence it is more than likely that state of nationality will cooperate in the arrest of offender (11).

EXERCISE OF UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION BY INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS:

It has been argued by Rolings that "a distinction must be drawn between individual and system criminality". The individual criminality refers to the solitary acts of individuals whereas system criminality pertains to the criminal acts encouraged and supported by the government. The international criminal tribunals are best fitted to exercise jurisdiction over system criminality because it involves appraisal and condemnation of the whole system of government including the highest authority of a state (12).

ICTY, ICTR AND ICC:

The international criminal tribunals for former Yugoslavia (1993) and Rwanda (1994) were established under the binding resolutions of Security Council in exercise of Chapter (vii) enforcement powers and the statute of International Criminal Court was adopted in the 1998 Rome Conference under a multilateral treaty.

PRIMACY OF ICTY& ICTR:

The statutes of ICTY & ICTR provide that the tribunals shall have concurrent jurisdiction along with national courts to try a person accused of international crimes but the tribunals shall have primacy over national court. The tribunals can request a national court to defer to the competence of international tribunal. The ICTY & ICTR can assert primacy in the following cases:

  1. When the trial before a national court will belittle the seriousness of an international crime.
  2. When the national court proves to be unreliable and the trial is a sham to save the accused from international criminal responsibility.
  3. When the case is closely related to the other cases being tried by ICTY or ICTR.

In Prosecutor v. Dusko Tadic (1995) the ICTY requested the German authorities to defer the trial to the competence of ICTY on the ground that it was not in the interest of justice if some of the co accused of the same crime were to be judged by national courts and other by ICTY. The German authorities complied with immediately and had the accused surrendered. (13)

COMPLEMENTARITY OF ICC:

Under the statute of ICC the Court is subsidiary and complementary to the national courts. National Courts enjoy priority in the exercise of jurisdiction. The ICC is barred from exercising jurisdiction in following cases:

  1. Where a national court asserts jurisdiction over an international crime and under the domestic law such court has jurisdiction to try the accused.
  2. Where the accused has been convicted or acquitted by the national courts after a fair trial.
  3. The case is not of sufficient gravity to justify action by the ICC.

The ICC can override the national jurisdiction in the following cases

  1. Where the national court is unable or unwilling to try the accused.
  2. Where the case is of sufficient gravity to justify the exercise of jurisdiction by the ICC.

A state may be regarded as unwilling when proceedings are taken by the national court to shield the accused, there is an unjustifiable delay in the trial of accused or proceedings of national court are not impartial and independent. A State is Unable to try the accused when due to collapse of judicial system the state is not in a position to detain the accused, collect evidence and carry out criminal proceedings. A state may also be Unable to try the accused when it cannot proceed due to legislative impediments such as amnesty law.

Under the ICC statute all cases may be tried by the national courts irrespective of the status of the offender and the magnitude of crime. The ICC only comes into picture when the national courts are unable or unwilling to try the accused. (14)

COMPARISON:

It has been argued that the international tribunals should have primacy over national courts. Where the trial is conducted by the territorial state the judges do not remain impartial due to public sentiments against the accused. Similarly where the trial is conducted by the state of accused’s nationality and the crime is committed with the support of government, the national courts are unable to prosecute the accused unless a change of government takes place. (15)

INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS AND UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION:

It has been suggested by Daniel D. Natenda that the international community does have the power to establish international tribunals vested with universal jurisdiction over international crimes. The individual states are agents of international community and if they are competent to exercise universal jurisdiction it is quite logical thC1t the international community being their principle is equally competent to do the same.

The allied powers acted on the same principle when they set up International military tribunal at Nuremberg to try the major Nazi war criminals. The allied powers invoked the universal jurisdiction that anyone of them individually could have invoked. (] 6)

The international tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda established under the Security Council resolutions are not vested with universal jurisdiction. They cannot try a person accused of international crimes regardless of the place of commission of crime and nationality of the accused. It is specifically provided in their respective statutes that they can only try the offences committed by Yugoslavian and Rwandan Citizens during a specific time against their own countrymen and the neighboring states.

In case of ICC, Contrary to the universality principle article 12(2) of ICC Statute provides that the court can only exercise jurisdiction where either the state of offender's nationality or the state where crime is committed is party to the ICC statute. The only way court can exercise jurisdiction when these states are not parties to the statute is either of them making a declaration under article 12(3) accepting the exercise of jurisdiction by the court.(17)

CRITICISM ON INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS:

The exercise of jurisdiction by international tribunals has been subjected to criticism. It has been argued that the Charter of International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg was drafted by the allied powers in exercise of their sovereign powers after the surrender of Germany; likewise the judges and prosecutors were also appointed by the victorious states therefore the tribunal was not independent and it dispensed victor's justice. Nevertheless it is submitted that the contributions of IMT in the development of international law should not be understated. The tribunal broke state monopoly over international crimes and developed new rule of not recognizing immunity in case of international crimes. The most notable achievement of the tribunal is awarding customary law status to repression of crimes against peace and humanity. Similarly ICTY and ICTR have also been criticised for rendering selective justice as their jurisdiction was limited over crimes in Yugoslavia and Rwanda. It is alleged that The Security Council exceeded its powers in establishment of tribunals and the tribunals are administering justice in a biased manner. In response to this criticism Cassese states 'it is admitted that jurisdiction of ICTY and ICTR is limited to the territories of former Yugoslavia and Rwanda but in the absence of an international tribunal with universal jurisdiction it is a step in the right direction to establish ad hoc tribunals for countries facing emergency situation'. With regard to Security Council's competence to establish tribunals the ICTY observed in Tadic Case that SC was competent to establish tribunals in the exercise of chapter vii enforcement powers when there is a threat to peace. The working of tribunals is transparent. The cases are brought on the basis of available evidence and exparte proceedings are video taped. Therefore it is wrong to say that tribunals are biased (18)

MERITS AND DEMERITS OF ADJUDICATION BY INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS:

Some writers suggest that the international tribunals are not suitable forums for exercising universal jurisdiction over foreign nationals because they lack an autonomous police force empowered to arrest and override national authorities. The international crimes are committed over large territories involving many states; in the absence of a standing police force it is very difficult for the tribunals to collect evidence without seeking state cooperation. Trials before international tribunals are unnecessarily prolonged because judges are from different social and cultural backgrounds and the proceedings have to be translated into more than one language. The accused remains in custody for a long time due to lengthy proceedings at pre trial, trial and appeal stages. The trial before international tribunals is also prolonged due to lengthy examination and cross examination. It is so because the accused does not usually like to plead guilty due to stigma attached to the conviction by international tribunals. (19)

Despite of these short comings the international tribunals enjoy a number of advantages over domestic courts in the exercise of jurisdiction over international crimes. It is submitted that the international tribunals ensure uniformity in the application of international laws. The Judges of international tribunals are generally considered impartial. The trial before international tribunals is given more media projection resulting into public dislike and repression of crime itself. The domestic courts are not inclined to exercise jurisdiction where the states have no territorial or national link with the crime whereas the tribunals being independent bodies can exercise jurisdiction directly over individuals living in foreign countries. The states are more willing to cooperate with international tribunals instead of domestic courts because international tribunals are considered as independent and impartial bodies. (20)

CONCLUSIONS:

It has been suggested by Daniel D. Natenda that "a permanent court vested with universal jurisdiction could have been a potent force to combat the immunity enjoyed by today's dictators but sadly the ICC statute reveals that the dream has not materialized" (21). Due to reluctance of states the international tribunals are in a better position to adjudicate upon international crimes by assuming universal jurisdiction. The ICC only comes into picture when the states are unable or unwilling to proceed. Nevertheless it is hoped that ICC will assert its limited jurisdiction with great vigour and if it does the states will be pressurized to repress international crimes with fairness and impartiality because no state would like ICC to pass judgement on its inability or unwillingness to proceed against international criminals (22) Furthermore, It is pertinent to mention that in recent years states have preferred t() resort to mixed tribunals in emergency situations .Mixed tribunals are established JI1 the territorial states under national legislation or treaty law and they comprise of national as well as international judges. Such Courts have been set up for Sierra Leone and Kosovo. Mixed courts can prove more useful in the exercise of universal jurisdiction because they can utilize the services of local judiciary under international scrutiny. (23).

REFERENCE:

1.                  Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p,246

2.                  J,I Charney, 'International Criminal law and the role of domestic courts, 95 AJIL(2001) P.120

3.                  Antonio Cassese, International Criminal law (2003) p. 284-291

4.                  Ian Brownlie, Principles of public international law (2003) p.568

5.                  Antonio Cassese, International Criminal law (2003) p.286-287

6.                  Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p.259-260

7.                  Alexander Orakhelashvili, Arrest warrant of II April 2000 (Congo v. Belgium) 96 AJIL 2002 p.677

8.                  D J Harris, Cases and materials on international law (2004) p.333-340

9.                  Ibid

9a-       Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p.259-260

10.              J.I Charney. 'International Criminal law and the role of domestic courts, 95 AJIL(2001) P.120

11.              Antonio Cassese, International Criminal law (2003) p.291

12.              Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p.265

13.              Kriangsak kittichaisaree, International Criminal Law (2002) p.25-26

14.              Kriangsak kittichaisaree, International Criminal Law (2002) p.27-38

15.              Antonio Cassese, International Criminal law (2003) p.277-285

16.              Daniel D Ntanda Nsereko, The ICC Jurisdictional and related issues, 10; 1 Criminal Justice Periodicals 1999 P.87

17.              Ibid

18.              Antonio Cassese, International Criminal law (2003) p.232-338

19.              Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p.268-270

20.              Antonio Cassese, International law (2001) p.268-270

21.              Daniel D Ntanda Nsereko, The ICC Jurisdictional and related issues, I 0; I Criminal Justice Periodicals 1999 P.87

22.              Helen Duffy, Towards eradicating impunity: The establishment of ICC, 26,4:Criminal Justice Periodicals 1999 p.115

23.              H. Strohmeyer, Collapse and reconstruction of judicial system, 95 AJIL (2001) P.46

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DOCTRINE OF NECESSITY

By:
SARDAR MUHAMMAD RAZA

I have gone through the judgment handed down by my learned brother Rana Bhagwandas, J., being reasons for the short order dated 28th September 2007, whereby we had held, while dissenting with majority view, that the petitions are maintainable under Article184 (3) of the Constitution and hence accepted in totality. I agree with the reasoning adhered to in the judgment aforesaid but would like to dilate upon the view taken by Mr. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada, learned amicus curiae.

He did not controvert the merits of the case. His placing reliance upon Haji Saifullah case (PLD 1968 SC 166) was tantamount to saying that even if the petitioners have a good case on merits, it would not be in the fitness of the things to issue writ in their favour, as it would, most likely impede smooth transition from uniform rule to the rule of pure democracy. The stance so taken is nothing but reiterating the import of doctrine of state necessity, altogether forgetting that the favour did not work in the past. The transition provided only a reinvigorating space for a new Uniform rule, bringing the Nation back again and again to the zero point – the marvel of doctrine of necessity.

Doctrine of necessity is neither Law nor any rule nor regulation. It is a state of affairs where, in the given circumstances, unfair is justified in the name of expediency. Most of philosophers, scholars and pseudo-intellectuals in the west have been floating various ideas from time to time sparking debates the world over. Genuine things are adopted and promoted in the developed countries while underdeveloped are duped into the fantasies of ingenuine, which unfortunately are followed as sacred commandments. Later category include Hans Kelsen’s doctrine of state necessity and Machiavelli’s “Prince”; cherished in the underdeveloped like Pakistan despite being damagingly hypocritical. The theories are by no means universally accepted nor do they form basis of modern jurisprudence. Borrowing words from Hamoodur Rehman C.J. (as his lordship then was); he, while criticizing Muhammad Munir C.J. said that the latter “not only misapplied the doctrine of Hans Kelsen but also fell into error that it was a generally accepted doctrine of modern jurisprudence. Even the disciples of Kelsen have hesitated to go as far as Kelsen had gone …...” 

What irks my mind most is not primarily the genuineness or otherwise of these draconian ideas of Kelsen or Machiavelli but whether or not we the Muslims have any legacy to follow or to refute or defy the evil ideologies though dead in the civilized countries yet flourishing in the third world. I firmly believe and hold that we the Muslims must seek ultimate guidance from the ultimate wisdom of revealed knowledge – The Holy Qur’an.

A book that has to last for all times should always avoid minor details and must always lay down the principles. It is essentially true about the Holy Qur’an. Before that we seek guidance from the Book, it is necessary to comprehend as to what the doctrine of necessity or those of Machiarelli are. Briefly, those propound that truth and falsehood, permissible and impermissible have no such frontiers that cannot, under any circumstances, be violated. If expediency demands, impermissible can be made permissible regardless of good conduct, principles or values of life. Means are justified by the ends achieved. On the other hand Holy Qur’an lays down certain restrictions on the conduct of man, which cannot be changed or violated.

Any deviation therefrom is a negation of  

6/115-         وَتَمَّتْ كَلِمَتُ رَبِّكَ صِدْقًا وَعَدْلاً لاَّ مُبَدِّلِ لِكَلِمَاتِهِ

(The commands of your nourisher are complete with truth and justice. No person can bring about any change whatsoever in them.)

Doctrine of necessity is a man made enigma, which must always be subservient to the greater human values, ordained by Almighty Allah. Certain commandments are directed towards individuals, the negation whereof ultimately affects the whole society. When truth is ordained and falsehood condemned, it is imperatively laid down that “do not confound truth by overlaying it with falsehood nor knowingly conceal the truth.”

2/42-تَعْلَمُون وَلاَ تَلْبِسُواْ الْحَقَّ بِالْبَاطِلِ وَتَكْتُمُواْ الْحَقَّ وَأَنتُمْ

Almighty Allah has denounced even the mixing up of truth with falsehood, leaving no room for expediency. More explicit is the verdict in surah Al-Nisa where extremely strong and impulsive expediencies are shunned altogether in comparison to the greater values of truth and justice. It says, “Believers! be upholders of justice and bearers of witness to truth for the sake of Allah, even though it may be against yourselves or against your parents and kinsmen or the rich or the poor, for, Allah is more concerned with their well being than you are. Do not, then, follow your own desires lest you keep away from justice. If you twist or turn away from the truth, know that Allah is well aware of all that you do.”  (Al-Nisa 4/135 ]

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ كُونُواْ قَوَّامِينَ بِالْقِسْطِ شُهَدَاء لِلّهِ وَلَوْ عَلَى أَنفُسِكُمْ أَوِ الْوَالِدَيْنِ وَالأَقْرَبِينَ إِن يَكُنْ غَنِيًّا أَوْ فَقَيرًا فَاللّهُ أَوْلَى بِهِمَا فَلاَ تَتَّبِعُواْ الْهَوَى أَن تَعْدِلُواْ وَإِن تَلْوُواْ أَوْ تُعْرِضُواْ فَإِنَّ اللّهَ كَانَ بِمَا تَعْمَلُونَ خَبِيرًا

Let us have a glance through a few other injunctions where deviation from truth for the sake of expediency is condemned. “ Believers! Be upright bearers of witness for Allah and do not let the enmity of any people move you to deviate from Justice. Act justly that is nearer to God-fearing. And fear Allah. Surely, A;llah is well aware of what you do.” (Al Maida 5/8]

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ كُونُواْ قَوَّامِينَ لِلّهِ شُهَدَاء بِالْقِسْطِ وَلاَ يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ عَلَى أَلاَّ تَعْدِلُواْ اعْدِلُواْ هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَى وَاتَّقُواْ اللّهَ إِنَّ اللّهَ خَبِيرٌ بِمَا تَعْمَلُونَ

One has to restrict only to a few references from the Holy book, owing to the shortage of time, otherwise, one can write volumes on the subject that Qur’an has defied expediency in comparison to the truth. It is nothing but worst kind of hypocrisy, which has been the way of life of the nations who were eliminated and replaced by nations who followed the Divine Verdict. Duality of conduct has been the hallmark of condemned people. Time is witness to it. History of mankind bears witness to it and the truth thereof is evident from Surah Al-Asr- (103), wherein the non-righteous are declared to be in a state of loss. In brief, every word of Quran abhors falsehood, hypocrisy, duality of character, duality of conduct, expediency, and thus, the doctrine of necessity. Seen in the larger and wider perspective and applied to the entire society, the doctrine of necessity becomes one of State necessity. Whatever be the canvas, whether individual or collective, the doctrine is destructive either way. Rather, at State level, it is devastating for the entire nation. Who should know it better than us.

Duality of conduct is always attributed to falsehood. Truthful never vacillate. Mingling of truth and falsehood is a negation of Divine Verdict. I, at this juncture, cannot avoid referring to a very apt quotation of Allam Iqbal, whose deep insight into the Holy Qur’an is evident from his poetry.

Batil dooie pasand hai, Haq laa sharik hai

Shirkat minna-e-Haq o batil na kar qabool

Idolatry has, in the present day, multifarious manifestation. Ideologies, doctrines, theories and hypothesis are invented, tailored and banked upon to please human, at the cost of displeasing the Almighty. Quid pro quo is followed and maintained which may be relevant to politics but cannot, in the circumstances, be pressed into service in judicial matters while imparting justice. It is high time to follow Greater Values of life rather than the expedient. We should avoid being accused of “ Khud badaltey nahin, Quraan ko badal daitay hain ”.

For what has been dilated upon, though short to encompass the subject, I hold that the doctrine of necessity is violative of Quranic injunctions and withholding of decision on merits, in order to achieve smooth transition in the interest of State necessity, would neither be just, nor fair nor legal. The petitions being maintainable are hereby accepted, pursuant to our short order dated 28th September 2007.

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STRICT COMPLIANCE IN LETTERS OF CREDIT

By
QAISAR ZAMAN
Advocte High Court (Lahore)
LLM University of Wales (Holborn College)

Introduction:

The doctrine of strict compliance prevails in all the contracts which occur in a letter of credit transaction: the contract between the buyer and the banker, the contract between banker and seller and between issuing and correspondent bank,[1] e.g. in case of the contract between applicant and the issuing bank, the bank is obliged to observe the borders of the commission given to it and fulfills that request by observing strict compliance. The bank must accept those documents which comply with the terms of the credit. It has no mandate to accept any other documents. If the issuing bank deviates it has no right of reimbursement by the buyer and if the seller does not present confirming documents it has no ground of action against a bank, if they are rejected. A bank that rejects confirming documents may be liable to the seller for the consequent loss; equally, if the confirming bank deviates it has no right to claim reimbursement from the issuing bank.

Definition:

“There is no room for documents which are almost the same or which will just do as well….if the bank does as it is told, it is safe, if it declines to do anything else, it is safe; if it departs from the conditions laid down, it acts as own risk”.[1]

There are certain specific requirements for the doctrine of strict compliance i.e.

 1)        All of the documents specified in the credit must be tendered.

2)         Each document must be regular on its face.

3)         Documents must be presented within the stipulated time.

4)         Original documents are required.

5)         The amount of the credit, quantity, unit price must be specified.[1]

Art. 13(a) of UCP 500 (international standard banking practice) obliges the bank to examine all documents stipulated in the credit with reasonable care, to ascertain whether or not they appear, on their face, to be in compliance with the terms and conditions of the credit.[1]Therefore, documents which appear on their face to be inconsistent with one another will be considered as not be in compliance. That standard is applicable only for stipulated documents; documents which are not stipulated will not be examined and shall be returned to presenter or be passed without responsibility.[1]

Time for Examination of Documents:

According to art.13 (b) of UCP 500, banks shall have reasonable time for examination, not to exceed seven banking days following the day of the receipt of the documents, and for determination whether to take up the documents or refuse payment.[1]

According to art. 13(c) of UCP 500, banks will deem conditions as not stated and disregard them if a credit contains such conditions without stating the documents to be presented.

Waiver of Discrepancies:

Art. 14(b) of UCP 500 is very important: banks, which can be the issuing bank, the nominated bank or the confirming bank, must determine the documents alone whether or not they appear on their face to be in compliance with the terms or not, if they appear not to be in compliance, bank may refuse to take up the documents. The bank hereby has got latitude when judging, which it need because not every error leads to a rejection and many problems can be solved by communication between bank, applicant and beneficiary. But the bank is obliged to decide on its own. If the issuing bank determines documents to be not in compliance, it may in its sole judgment approach the applicant for waiver of the discrepancies, art.14(c). Art. 14(d) contains the obligation of issuing, nominated or confirming bank to give notice with reasons and the obligation of the remitting bank to pay back refund with interests.[1]

Art.14(e) rules that if a issuing or confirming bank fail to act in accordance with the provisions or fail to hold the documents at the disposal of or to return them to the presenter, they shall be precluded from claiming that the documents are not in compliance with the terms and conditions of the credit. Art.14 (f) clears up that if the remitting bank paid under reserve or against a guarantee that only concerns the relation between such bank and the beneficiary. The issuing bank and the confirming bank are not relieved from any of their obligations or provisions of art.14.[1]

Justification of Strict Compliance in the context of Commercial Credits:

The doctrine of strict compliance has been justified in the context of commercial letters of credit on two grounds. First, on principles of agency law, the issuer must act within the mandate given by the applicant and obtain documents which comply strictly with the applicant’s instructions. Documents which go outside the mandate do not entitle the issuer to reimbursement. Secondly, the doctrine ensures that the issuer obtains documents which are commercially marketable and can be used in case the goods are lost or destroyed. The aim is to give the buyer the documents which are valuable or protective.[1]

Compliance must be Strict:

“In determining whether the documents conform strictly to the terms of the credit, the bank is only concerned with what appears on the face of the documents. It does not need to look behind the documents. It is not concerned with the underlying transaction. This is made clear by art. 4 of the UCP 500 which states that: ‘in credit operations all parties concerned deal with documents, and not with goods, services and/or other performances to which the documents may relate’”.[1]

The documents must comply strictly with the requirements of the credit. As stated by Viscount Summer in Equitable Trust Co of New York V. Dawson Partners Ltd.

In J.H. Rayners and Co Ltd v. Hambro’s Bank Ltd, the correspondent bank advised the sellers that a letter of credit in their favor was available upon delivery of certain documents evidencing the shipment of “Coromandel groundnuts”. The sellers tendered a bill of lading describing the goods as “machine shelled groundnut kernels” and having in its margin the letters “C.R.S.” which were an abbreviation of “Coromandels” but in the invoice the goods were described correctly as “Coromandel groundnuts”. The court of appeal held that the bank had rightly refused the payment under the credit, in view of the doctrine of strict compliance.[1]

A literal, Mirror Image of the Credit:

Lord Summers principle seems to assume a literal mirror image approach to the determination of documentary compliance. On the one side is a detailed unambiguous formulation of requirements in the operative credit instrument. On the other are the required documents, replicating to the last minute detail the credit terms and conditions. The issuing, confirming, negotiating or paying banks are supposed to hold the mirror image of the credit terms to the tendered documents. Any deviation, no matter how slight, is unacceptable. Yet, in the transition from the general principle to the concrete documentary tenders that occur daily, the mirror image becomes quite blurred.

Various aspects of the doctrine are considered with examples in the following paragraphs.

Exact literal compliance:

Notwithstanding the rejection of the de minimis principle, insignificant or trivial differences typographical errors in names are not regarded as discrepancies. While the English and Canadian courts have not adopted a rule of substantial documentary compliance there has been apparently been recognition that there must be some latitude for minor variations or discrepancies that are not sufficiently material to justify a refusal of payment.[1]

In Seaconsar Far East Ltd V Bank Markazi Jamhouri Islami Iran Lloyd LJ said: I accept…. That Lord Summers statement cannot be taken as requiring rigid meticulous fulfillment of precise wording in all cases. Some margin must and can be allowed….[1]In kredietbank Antwerp v Midland Bank Plc[1], Evans LJ said that ‘the requirement of strict compliance is not equivalent to the test of exact literal compliance in all circumstances and as regard all documents. To some extent, therefore, the banker must exercise his own judgment whether the requirement is satisfied by the documents presented to him’.[1]

In Hing hip Hing Fat Co Ltd v Daiwa Bank Ltd, the credit was applied for by Cheer goal Industries Limited, and this name appear on the credit. But the presented bank presented the letter of credit on a document which showed the drawee as Cheer goal Industrial Limited. Kaplan J referred to a passage from Gutteridge and Megrah to the effect that strict compliance did not extend to the dotting  of I’s and crossing of t’s or obvious typographical errors, concluding that it was impossible to generalize: each case has to be considered on its own merits. He held that the reference to the industrial was an obvious typographical error, had caused no confusion and could not be relied upon as discrepancy.[1]

Discrepancy of the Documents:

The law on this subject is summed up by sir john Donaldson M.R.[1] he observed that:

…..that the banker is not concerned with why the buyer has called for particular documents, that there is no room for documents which are almost the same, or which will do just as well, as those specified, that whilst the bank is entitled to put a reasonable construction upon any ambiguity in its mandate, if the mandate is clear there must be strict compliance with that mandate, that documents have to be taken up or rejected promptly and without opportunity for prolonged inquiry, and that a tender of document which properly read and understood calls for further inquiry or is as such to invite litigation is a bad tender”.[1]

Technicalities:

 “Even though a discrepancy may appear to be purely technical, a bank is nevertheless obliged to take the point unless the applicant waives the discrepancy”.[1]

A discrepancy may not affect the value or merchantability of the goods, and may thus appear merely technical. A bank is nonetheless obliged to take the point unless it is instructed by its customers, the buyer, that the documents are acceptable.[1]

The buyer’s reason for not wanting to take up the documents is almost always unrelated to the discrepancy, e.g. the market may have moved against him or he may suspect that the goods may not comply with the contract.

Trivial Discrepancies:

“The distinction between trivial discrepancies and those which require the bank to reject documents tendered is not always easy to draw”.[1]  In Moralice (London) ltd v. E D and F man the documents were required to evidence the shipment of 500 metric tons of sugar in bags of 100 kgs net weight each. The shipment was three bags short (0.06%). It was held that because it was a letter of credit transaction the maximum de minimus non cur at lex, or the rule of insignificance could not be relied upon, and the bank was entitled to reject the documents.[1]

Today situation is different due to incorporation of art. 39(b) “where the UCP applies art. 39 allow the bank to disregard certain minor variations subject to the express provisions of the credit. Art. 39(a) provides that the words “about”, “approximately”, “circa” , or similar expressions are used in connection with the amount of the credit or the quantity or unit price of the goods they are to be construed as allowing a tolerance not exceeding ten percent more or less than the amount or quantity to which they refer”.[1]

Originality of Documents:

Where the documents tendered appear to have been or have actually been produced by reprographic, automated or computerized systems or as carbon copies, they shall also be acceptable as long as they are marked as original and where necessary appear to be signed. (art. 20. b) [1]The certificates required by the credit in this case to be marked as original were not so marked. It was contended that they could not, therefore, be accepted under art, 20.[1]

In this case Midland Bank had rejected the documents inter alia, on the grounds that the insurance policy was not marked “original”. The document was laser printed on the colored notepaper of the insurance company and signed in original. The court of appeal held that where the document is clearly an original, art.20 (b) does not impose the requirement that it should be marked or stamped as original.[1]The onus is on the applicant for credit to establish that a bank has failed to discharge his duty of reasonable care.[1]

Forfeiture of right of reimbursement:

The doctrine requires the bank to accept the documents that strictly comply with the terms and conditions of the credit. “The bank loses its right of reimbursement and forfeits remuneration from the applicant if it accepts documents that do not comply with credit and thereby causing loss to the applicant”.[1]

The case of North Western Shipping and Towage Co Ltd v Commonwealth Bank of Australia illustrates the drastic effect of the doctrine of strict compliance. The credit in that case expired before the beneficiary presented the confirming documents. The court held that the bank no longer had any duty to pay under the credit and that any payments it made after the credit expired would not be made under its contract with customer. Similarly any security taken by the bank lapsed when the credit expired.[1]

Problems concerning the Doctrine of Strict Compliance:

There are several problems concerning the doctrine of strict compliance:

1)                  different interpretation and extent of strict compliance

2)                  fraud exception

3)                  the liability of banks if they don’t pay attention to strict compliance

In this paper I will discuss the last two problems.

Fraud Exception:

 “Fraud unravels all. This maxim is rooted in common law and equitable tradition. In the letter of credit case of United City Merchant’s v Royal Bank of Canada, Lord Diplock stated:The exception of fraud on the part of beneficiary seeking to avail himself of the credit is a clear application of the maxim ex turpi causa non oritur action or, if plain English is to be preferred, ‘fraud unravels all’. The courts will not allow their process to be used by dishonest person to carry out the fraud”.[1]